LONDON — Keir Starmer is promising British voters he’ll fix the Brexit-shaped hole in the U.K. economy, but Brussels appears to have quite enough on its plate. Days after Britain’s grim growth prospects were laid bare in the U.K. budget, the country’s PM gave two speeches promising closer ties with the European Union and elevated his EU point person, Nick Thomas-Symonds, to the Cabinet. “We have to keep moving towards a closer relationship with the EU, and we have to be grown-up about that, to accept that that will require trade-offs,” Starmer said on Monday.   But European leaders are already grappling with packed in-trays as they look for an end to Russia’s war in Ukraine and confront their own domestic economic challenges — and skepticism remains as to how much room for maneuver the British PM actually has.  Starmer’s political red lines — no customs union, no single market, and no return to freedom of movement — remain in place, and ministers continue to stress that a return to full EU membership remains off the table. Even Starmer’s existing EU “reset” agenda — which aims to walk back some of the harder edges of Boris Johnson’s Brexit settlement — is not all going to plan. A push to join the EU’s SAFE loans-for-arms scheme crashed last week after the two sides failed to agree on how much money the U.K. would pay. “The same ‘how much should the U.K. contribute?’ question has been slowing down the actual implementation of basically all the reset topics,” said one EU diplomat who was not authorized to speak on the record. Despite plenty of talk in London about closer ties, the forum for putting fresh topics on the agenda would be the EU-U.K. summit that is due next year. But a date has yet to be set for that gathering. “Nobody is talking about the next summit here yet. I’m not saying it isn’t going to happen, it’s just a question of bandwidth,” another EU diplomat said. “For us the focus now is to work through our existing commitments and finalize those deals, start implementing them and then showing that the deals are bringing value. That takes time,” a third diplomat said. LIMITED SCOPE  The problem for Starmer is that his existing plan to rebuild EU ties is unlikely to move the dial on U.K. economic growth. Economists at the Centre for European Reform reckon that the government’s reset package — if delivered in full — is worth somewhere between 0.3 percent and 0.7 per cent of U.K. GDP over a decade.   Meanwhile, academics at the Bank of England and Stanford University calculate that the economic hit from Brexit could be as high as 8 percent of GDP over a similar period. “It is striking how frequently the chancellor and prime minister will now lament the costs of Brexit, without making any suggestions on how to change the status quo,” said Joël Reland, research fellow at the U.K. In A Changing Europe think tank.  “This could be read as a slow creep towards a breach of their red lines, but I suspect it is mostly about domestic political management. They are in a sticky economic situation and Brexit is a convenient thing to blame. I don’t think they’d be brave enough to risk a manifesto breach on Brexit, but I’d be surprised if ‘no single market or customs union’ is in the 2029 manifesto,” Reland said.  One British government official stressed that Labour’s red lines remain in place — but added: “We don’t think we’re at those red lines yet.”  BREAKING THE TABOO  Labour’s previous reluctance to talk about Brexit was born of a fear of upsetting Leave-leaning swing voters whom the party wanted to win over in the last election.  But that started to change over the summer.  Thomas-Symonds, the minister in charge of delivering the reset, went on the attack in a speech hosted by the Spectator, a right-wing magazine. Parties pledging to reverse Starmer’s reset were offering “more red tape, mountains of paperwork, and a bureaucratic burden,” he argued. To the surprise of Downing Street aides, the attacks landed well and drew a line between the government’s agenda and that of Reform UK boss Nigel Farage — the longstanding Brexiteer dominating in the polls — and Conservative Leader Kemi Badenoch.  It emboldened Starmer and his lieutenants. Rachel Reeves, the U.K.’s chief finance minister, used her speech at the Labour Party conference in Liverpool to talk up the benefits of improved cross-border mobility for the economy.   Ahead of last week’s difficult budget stuffed with tax rises, she waded in further, damning the effects of a “chaotic Brexit.” While the new rhetoric has yet to be backed up by a shift in policy, there are signs that some of Starmer’s close allies are starting to think bigger.  Rejoining the EU customs union was reportedly raised as an option by Starmer’s economic advisor ahead of the budget — but was rejected. “There are definitely people who have been pushing at this for a long time,” one person with knowledge of conversations in government said.  “I don’t think that will be that surprising to people, because if your primary goal allegedly is growth then that’s one of the easiest levers you can pull. Most economists would agree — it’s the politics that’s stopping it.”  Pressed on the prospect of Britain’s applying to rejoin the customs union on Wednesday, Health Secretary Wes Streeting did not explicitly rule out the idea but stressed the government’s policy was about “new partnerships and new relationships, not relitigating the past.” If Starmer opts for a risky manifesto-busting push to rejoin the customs union, diplomats say even that is unlikely to be a quick fix for the British PM.  “It would take time. Just consider how slow has been so far the progress on SPS, ETS and Erasmus,” the first diplomat quoted above said. “As of now, the U.K. needs the EU to spur its growth, not the other way around.”

BRUSSELS — The European Union will press U.S. President Donald Trump to ensure that his ceasefire agreement does not undermine the future of a Palestinian state, according to a draft plan. A four-page document developed by the bloc’s foreign service, seen by POLITICO in advance of meetings between foreign ministers and leaders next week, reveals officials are pushing to maximize the EU’s leverage in the implementation of the Washington-brokered agreement to ensure lasting peace. With a growing number of European governments recognizing Palestinian statehood, there is a need to “reinforce a positive narrative on the two-state solution, including by highlighting the role of the EU,” the document states. The diplomatic arm of the EU, the European External Action Service (EEAS), proposes to “further activate diplomatic channels towards the U.S.” to see it implemented in a way that does not “undermine the viability” of the Palestinian Authority. Trump announced a truce brokered between Hamas and the government of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu last week, paving the way for the release of all surviving Israeli hostages and a withdrawal of Israeli troops from Gaza. The EEAS is now seeking support from capitals to advocate for economic and financial barriers facing Palestinian institutions to be dropped and to increase pressure on Israeli settlers illegally annexing territory in the West Bank. It also proposes engaging with the Israeli government, Egypt, Qatar and Turkey “to continue leveraging the pressure on Hamas for a full implementation of the plan.” By the end of the year, the document proposes ensuring the flow “of aid at scale into and throughout Gaza,” and redeploying its civilian Rafah border crossing assistance mission, EUBAM, as a third-party presence to safeguard the passage of people. If member countries give the green light, the EU will also seek to “explore the monitoring and advising on transfer of goods.” Brussels also hopes to convince Israel to lift restrictions on humanitarian NGOs operating in the Palestinian territories. In the longer term, the EU wants to play a role in the removal of landmines, the reconstruction of war-torn Gaza, investment and the facilitation of trade. It intends to use Erasmus — the educational exchange scheme it had previously sought to bar Israel from — as a tool to build trust between communities. European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen announced in September that she would bring forward sanctions on Israeli ministers and seek to scale back economic cooperation with the country in response to the humanitarian crisis in Gaza. However, POLITICO reported earlier on Friday, the plans are expected to grind to a halt in the wake of the American deal, with capitals expressing skepticism about the need for the move as a result of geopolitical developments. A handful of countries that had pushed for a tougher stance expressed frustration over how long the EU had taken to put forward the plans.

The EU wants students from the bloc’s southern neighbors to join its Erasmus exchange program, it announced Thursday as part of a broader plan to bolster Europe’s presence in the Mediterranean region. The inclusion of non-EU students from countries in Africa and the Middle East is part of the “Pact for the Mediterranean”, which also includes a proposal to double the EU’s budget for this region to €42 billion. The bloc’s Mediterranean partners include Algeria, Egypt, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, Palestine, Syria and Tunisia. European Commission President Ursula Von der Leyen outlined the three sections of the pact in a statement: People, economy, and the link between security, preparedness and migration. EU foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas told journalists the pact includes more than 100 projects, ranging from support for 5G networks and improved mobile connectivity in the region, to youth-focused programs and “rail, road, maritime links to subsea cables carrying data between our nations.” The EU’s Commissioner for the Mediterranean Dubravka Šuica said the pact aims to “connect young people” and broaden the Erasmus Plus and Horizon Europe programs, calling it the “Mediterranean University.” The pact would also help universities in the region develop joint degrees and programs with their counterparts in the EU. “We will also scale up talent partnerships with Morocco, with Tunisia and with Egypt, and facilitate issuance of visas in particular for students” from these countries, Šuica said. On migration, Šuica called it the “greatest shared challenge” and a “shared opportunity” for the two sides. She said the pact will support efforts to prevent illegal departures and fight smugglers in the EU’s southern neighbors, while creating legal pathways “to address Europe’s labor needs.” “Our deeper cooperation is a strategic choice, and it is reflected in the creation of [the] new DG MENA [the Directorate-General for the Middle East, North Africa and the Gulf] and also in the … Commission’s proposal to double the budget for this region to €42 billion in the next programming period,” Šuica said. “We have so much to offer to those countries in terms of equal partnership. We are interested in the cooperation regarding energy, connectivity, critical raw materials,” Kallas added. “Our proposal is much more positive than that of the other geopolitical players, but we really need to work on that,” Kallas added, referring to competition from China and Russia in the region. Von der Leyen described the Mediterranean as a “bridge between continents for people, for goods, for ideas.” “The truth is that Europe and the Mediterranean cannot exist without each other,” she added.

BRUSSELS — Suspending part of the EU-Israel Association Agreement could be on the cards over the country’s breaches of its human rights obligations in Gaza. A leaked draft of the European Union’s list of potential measures, drawn up by the European External Action Service and seen by POLITICO, presents a series of options including the “full suspension” of the EU-Israel Association Agreement, which provides for close ties on trade and other areas of cooperation. Other proposals include the partial suspension of the pact, “i.e., the political dialogue” between Brussels and the government of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, which would require the unanimous support of all 27 member countries. However, the review finds, “the suspension of the trade chapter” of the agreement “would withdraw the trade preferences for Israeli products to enter the EU market and could be decided by qualified majority vote in the Council,” which would be more likely to pass. A potential ban on all imports from illegal settlements in the West Bank would require full agreement from member states. However, the document states that individual capitals could implement this policy at the national level. Alternative suggestions include barring Israel from EU programs for students and scientists, such as Erasmus and Horizon, or limiting technical cooperation and memoranda of understanding. The EU’s top diplomat, Kaja Kallas, was tasked with drawing up proposals following a meeting of European leaders in June, focusing on what steps could be taken against Israel despite opposition from steadfast allies like Hungary and Germany. Earlier Thursday, Kallas said an agreement had been reached to ensure aid reached Gaza, hailing cooperation with the Israeli government and saying the bloc hoped to see deliveries of supplies made in the “coming days.” | Shawn Thew/EPA That came after an EEAS review — first seen by POLITICO — determined “there are indications that Israel would be in breach of its human rights obligations under Article 2 of the EU-Israel Association Agreement.” “In response to the terrorist attacks of 7 October 2023, Israel launched an intense military campaign, involving the use of weapons with wide area effects in densely-populated areas, and severe restrictions on the entry and distribution of essential goods and services into Gaza,” the assessment found. The paper will be discussed by foreign ministers from across the EU at a summit on Tuesday. Earlier Thursday, Kallas said an agreement had been reached to ensure aid reached Gaza, hailing cooperation with the Israeli government and saying the bloc hoped to see deliveries of supplies made in the “coming days.”

BRUSSELS — Nigel Farage has spent the last decade giving Tory prime ministers nightmares. Now it seems he’s scaring new Labour PM Keir Starmer, too. During a private meeting at the European Parliament in Strasbourg this winter, Starmer’s Brexit Minister Nick Thomas-Symonds was quizzed by members of the European Parliament about why his government’s proposed reset with the EU appeared relatively timid. Despite high expectations in Brussels following the election of the new government in July after 14 years of Tory, largely Eurosceptic rule, Starmer spent much of the autumn saying what he wouldn’t do: no customs union, no single market, and no freedom of movement. Visas for young people or the Erasmus student exchange scheme? No plans. According to one EU official present at the recent talks, Thomas-Symonds told the MEPs he’d love to do more — but that Nigel Farage’s upstart, Europhobic Reform outfit had come second to Labour in 89 constituencies at the election, making a closer embrace of the EU politically problematic. “He was apologetic — he said he wanted to go further,” the EU official present told POLITICO. Seemingly unimpressed, the official added: “I don’t understand being scared of your own shadow in the first six months of your five year term.” Like other officials quoted in this story, they were granted anonymity by POLITICO to discuss the negotiations. (A U.K. government official said they didn’t recognize the EU official’s framing of the Strasbourg meeting — but also stopped short of an outright denial. A spokesperson said the government had “set out a clear vision for an ambitious reset with the EU.”) Farage’s right-wing populist party has surged in the polls since the general election — at the same time as the Brexit godfather has courted Elon Musk, the world’s richest man, amid suggestions the X boss could be planning a substantial donation to Reform. The pair this week met at Donald Trump’s Florida home of Mar-a-Lago, a gathering which Farage said “left us with no doubt that he is right behind us.” The EU official’s account of the meeting with Thomas-Symonds certainly reflects what Labour insiders are saying back in Westminster about the threat from Farage. One Labour official said: “There are real dangers there that we can’t ignore. I don’t think we should change our policy because of Reform, but I think it should impact our priorities and how we talk about things.” Another senior Labour official told POLITICO: “You’ve got to take the threat seriously. If you remember back to just after the election, nobody was talking about Farage or Reform at all. But he’s shown how he can grab hold of the narrative — and next year with Trump and Musk in place that’s just going to happen more and more. Trump gives him a platform and he will use it.” ‘MAIN CHALLENGER’ In total, Farage’s Reform party — the latest rebrand of what was first the U.K. Independence Party (UKIP) and then the Brexit Party — came second place in 98 constituencies at July’s general election, including 89 which were won by Labour. Sixty of those constituencies are in the north of England and 13 in Wales — where Farage is positioning Reform as the “main challenge” to Starmer’s party in the 2026 Senedd (Welsh parliament) elections. One recent survey for the next Welsh contest by pollster Survation showed Reform in a close third place behind Labour and the left-of-centre Welsh nationalist party Plaid Cymru. Polls also show the group gaining ground nationally, too. In total, Nigel Farage’s Reform party — the latest rebrand of what was first the U.K. Independence Party (UKIP) and then the Brexit Party — came second place in 98 constituencies at July’s general election. | Henry Nicholls/AFP via Getty Images A Labour official in Wales said they estimated Reform had a good chance of winning at least one member in 14 of the regional parliament’s 16 multi-member constituencies. “The U.K. government is running a five-year strategy but our election falls right at the toughest moment of that period,” they said. Such a result would amount to a record haul of seats for any of Farage’s parties in a domestic parliament — before or after Brexit. The official said Reform’s presence was “a massive part of how we tempered what we said in the general election” about Europe. For many people, they added, “if voters hear ‘we want to be closer with the EU,’ they immediately think of immigration. They don’t think about any other aspects of it. I think it would all come rushing back to those voters, even if we tried to present the economic case for it, which is pretty bulletproof. With those voters it doesn’t matter.” Not everyone is convinced by the threat from Farage and his bad of Euroskeptics, however. One Labour minister played down fears of a Reform surge, saying “five years is a long time” — a reference to the period before the next general election must be held — to show delivery on government priorities. They added that Farage’s party “doesn’t change the fundamental missions of government.” Reform is as big a risk to a Conservative comeback as to Labour’s fortunes, they argued. The first Labour official quoted also said the party’s hesitance with Brussels was not primarily or solely about Reform — citing Tory opposition and the mood of a wider electorate sick of talking about Brexit as other factors. Kemi Badenoch, the Conservatives’ new leader, used the last of her parliamentary time ahead of Westminster’s Christmas recess to accuse Starmer of “planning to give away our hard-won Brexit freedoms.” British Eurosceptic newspapers have also got stuck in, branding a new corps of civil servants set up to deliver Starmer’s EU reset a “surrender squad,” while the right-leaning Sun is a campaign to stop Starmer “betraying” Brexit. That’s all before talks have even started, and while the government has remained tight-lipped about what they will entail. SORRY, LABOUR VOTERS Navigating the EU reset will be a tricky tightrope for Starmer to walk. The voters who actually put his party in power are overwhelmingly pro-EU, experts say. In an analysis published over the summer, elections guru John Curtice found as many as 78 percent of Labour voters said they would vote to rejoin the EU outright, compared to just 44 percent of Conservative supporters and 25 percent of those intending to vote Reform. Yet rejoining has been emphatically ruled out by Starmer. “Although there may not be much of a divide between the parties in terms of their policy on Brexit, the coalition of voters each has assembled at this election hold very different views on the subject,” Curtice noted. Their man might have won the election, but those who backed Labour may have to get used to their party engaging in a tug of war with Farage for other people’s votes. Labour strategists said they deliberately chose not to fight Reform at this year’s election — expecting the party to mostly damage incumbent Tory support. | Benjamin Cremel/AFP via Getty Images Labour strategists said they deliberately chose not to fight Reform at this year’s election — expecting the party to mostly damage incumbent Tory support. But another senior party official said they expect to play things differently next time, with Farage in their sights as a key opponent. Other officials in Starmer’s team agreed and feared that unchecked, Reform could cost Labour another majority by peeling off voters in key marginal seats. “For Labour, EU affairs are subordinate to domestic affairs; if you have to lower your ambitions in Europe to satisfy your key constituencies at home, then so be it,” said Joël Reland, research fellow at the UK in a Changing Europe think tank. “A top priority for them is maintaining the support of ‘Red Wall’ voters, many of whom voted for Brexit, and the party is concerned that any significant deepening of relations could be seen as somehow undoing Brexit.” RINGING IN THE NEW YEAR The nervous caution in London is being noticed in Brussels. After leading a delegation to the U.K. last month and holding discussions with key players in Westminster, the chair of the European Parliament’s international trade committee Bernd Lange told his fellow MEPs: “There are some possibilities, but in my point of view, big change is not the horizon. There will be some practical improvements, but that’s it.” Early bonhomie and good vibes between the EU and Starmer’s new government are also starting to be tested. The European Commission this week announced it was taking the U.K. to the European Court of Justice over its implementation of free movement rules for EU nationals living in Britain — a politically provocative move which touches on two British sensitivities: the jurisdiction of the Luxembourg court and EU immigration. European ministers discussing plans for talks with the U.K. at EU council in Brussels for the first time last week also told reporters they would set “clear boundaries” of their own in any negotiations. Meanwhile MEPs on the European Parliament’s delegation to the U.K. last week passed a motion warning that Starmer needed “concrete commitments” to avoid his EU reset becoming a “reset in name only.” Thomas-Symonds and his EU counterpart Maroš Šefčovič have promised the New Year will bring a “new phase” of talks, with a “harder edge” and something to show in time for a planned EU-U.K. summit in the first half of 2025. But when negotiations do get going, expect them to take place with one eye on Farage. Bloom and Ross reported from London.

Brussels will demand the U.K. to accept its court, no changes to the access of EU fishermen in British waters and a youth mobility program in exchange for discussing new terms of the trade deal between the two sides, according to a report in The Times. The U.K. will have to swallow jurisdiction of the Court of Justice of the European Union, meaning London would accept EU laws applying for the first time since Brexit, the British newspaper reported. The Times writes that the outline for talks with British Prime Minister Keir Starmer’s government will be presented to the Foreign Affairs Council on Monday, when the EU’s 27 foreign ministers meet. A spokesperson for the European Commission, which is in charge of EU trade policy, declined to comment. Brussels would seem unwilling to start talks with Starmer before these ground rules are agreed upon. Ever since the Labour leader got to Downing Street, he’s been making overtures to the EU on resetting the post-Brexit relationship. Renegotiating the so-called Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA), would be the most concrete part of that. The first review of the deal, struck by Conservative former PM Boris Johnson, is coming up in 2026. For fishing rights, “the maintenance of the status quo is essential for member states,” the document states, according to The Times. More broadly on a deal involving food trade, the U.K. would have to turn all the EU’s rules on production and processing safety into British law. Pushing for having Brussels recognize British rules as “equivalent” — and therefore good enough — would not fly, the document states, according to the report. Finally, the EU wants to push London for a youth mobility scheme akin to the Erasmus exchange program, which is one of the flagship policies in the bloc, according to the report. Previous British governments rejected this for the perceived uptick in migration.

BRUSSELS — Hungary is on the brink of losing €1 billion in EU money that was frozen because of rule-of-law breaches, several officials with knowledge of proceedings told POLITICO. The European Commission has been withholding over €16 billion in grants to poorer regions as well as post-Covid economic aid to boost growth as part of efforts to pressure right-wing leader Viktor Orbán to reverse reforms seen widely as anti-democratic. And unless Hungary can carry out 17 measures and gain the European Commission’s approval by Dec. 31 — this step alone normally takes months — around €1 billion in EU cash to poorer regions will be gone for good. Its efforts so far haven’t hit the mark. Budget Commissioner Piotr Serafin said that Hungary’s moves to unblock the funding are “not quite what we were hoping for” after a meeting on Tuesday with János Bóka, Hungary’s European affairs minister. Reforms Hungary needs to complete to convince the EU to release the funding include changes to its anti-corruption and conflict-of-interest legislation. Any country is given two years to claim back funding that was withheld by the Commission, according to the EU’s own rules. Hungary is at risk of permanently losing a share of regional cash from the 2022 budget, which is worth more than €1 billion. “That’s a lot of money for any country, but especially for Hungary,” said an EU diplomat who was granted anonymity to speak freely about the sensitive discussions. The potential funding cut comes at a difficult time for Orbán, who will soon end his six-month stint as the head of the EU’s rotating Council presidency, a role which allows him to set the agenda and chair meetings in Brussels. Budget Commissioner Piotr Serafin said that Hungary’s moves to unblock the funding are “not quite what we were hoping for.” | Nicolas Tucat/Getty Images Economic growth in Hungary is well below the EU’s average, while its government deficit as a proportion of GDP (5.4 percent this year) is among the highest in the bloc. After over a decade in power, Orbán’s party has been overtaken in polls by a conservative outfit led by Peter Magyar, who pledged to unblock the EU’s funding if he wins the 2026 national elections. Separately, Hungary is on course to unblock a different, and less conspicuous, share of EU funding that was frozen over alleged breaches to academic freedom, according to two Commission and government officials with knowledge of proceedings. To access the Erasmus student exchange funds and research grants, Budapest has agreed to remove political figures from a public body that oversees most universities. But the Commission dismissed suggestions that these changes might affect the remaining share of frozen funds. “This notification does not relate to the frozen Cohesion & RRF (post-Covid) funds,” Serafin wrote on Tuesday. The European Commission and the Hungarian government didn’t respond to requests for comment.

BRUSSELS — Northern Irish representatives should be allowed to sit as “observer” MEPs in the European Parliament even after Brexit, according to Social Democratic and Labour Party Leader (SDLP) Claire Hanna. The idea, floated by Hanna on a trip to Brussels Wednesday, would see the legislative body recognize Northern Ireland’s unique post-Brexit position by allowing representatives to attend plenary sessions but without voting or speaking rights. The SDLP is the official opposition party in the Northern Ireland Assembly at Stormont. Hanna came to Brussels Wednesday to launch a new policy document calling for closer ties between NI and the EU. Other suggestions include granting Northern Irish access to the Erasmus student mobility program and the opening of a European Commission representation office in Belfast. “By granting Northern Ireland observer MEP status, the EU would reaffirm its commitment to democratic values, as articulated in the Treaty on the European Union,” the policy document says. Hanna and Matthew O’Toole, leader of the opposition at Stormont, have been speaking to MEPs, political groups and the European Parliament’s Delegation to the EU-U.K. Parliamentary Partnership Assembly (EU-UK PPA). The meetings come ahead of a consent vote on the painstakingly negotiated Windsor Framework — which governs post-Brexit trading arrangements for Northern Ireland — in the assembly next week. The assembly’s vote should also trigger a U.K. review of the Windsor Framework — and the SDLP has been pitching what it terms “broad and positive” ideas for reform. “The Brexit years have been bumpy for Northern Ireland and opportunities were lost,” Hanna told POLITICO. But she said of the new, Labour administration in London: “There is no doubt that it’s positive to have a government that respects and has an interest in the island of Ireland. For our region, London and Dublin operating as equals and friends is absolutely essential.” She argued that it remains in the U.K.’s economic interest to forge closer ties with Brussels: “There’s a clearly a different attitude to working with Europe — and, my god, the U.K. economy needs it.”

STRASBOURG — Euroskeptic Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán and his pro-Europe arch-rival have at least one thing in common: neither is completely sold on Brussels.  Péter Magyar, a conservative who was once part of Orbán’s inner circle in Hungary, is now taking him on as the popular opposition leader. The 43-year-old’s fledgling party, Tisza, won nearly a third of the Hungarian vote in June’s European election, leaving Orbán with his worst political performance since taking power in 2010. Now, Magyar is an MEP, sitting with the center-right European People’s Party (the very one Orbán left before he was kicked out).  But if Brussels thinks it has found a surefire ally, Magyar has a warning.  “We are pro-EU but we are not blind to the shortcomings of the EU,” said Magyar in an interview with POLITICO. When asked about the bloc’s policies on the Green Deal, migration, and EU integration, the Hungarian politician deflected the question. Magyar, the ex-husband of the former justice minister and previously known as a quiet top-level civil servant of Orbán’s government, won over voters by calling out the Hungarian government’s corruption and rule-of-law concerns. He promised to have the EU green-light potentially billions in European funds that have been frozen by Brussels over Hungary’s illiberal policies around academic freedoms, judicial independence and anti-LGBTQ+ laws.  But that’s not to say he agrees with all of the EU’s policies.  “We certainly don’t believe in a European superstate … the EU should help member states achieve their goals in all of these areas, often through joint action, sometimes through enhanced cooperation, and, frankly, sometimes by taking a step backward and recognizing that member states are not united in their views,” Magyar said. A key disagreement between Magyar and the EPP is that he doesn’t support sending weapons to Ukraine, he said back in June. Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán and his pro-Europe archrival have at least one thing in common: neither are completely sold on Brussels. | Marcos Brindicci/Getty Images “Russia is the aggressor and Ukraine has the right to defend itself, and we should support Ukraine,” he told POLITICO. “We differ on the exact nature of our support.”  Magyar has until the national election in spring 2026 to change the country’s anti-EU course. He will lead the charge from Brussels as a freshly elected MEP and hopes he will have the support of Commission chief Ursula von der Leyen and the EPP. The EU set the stage for him to debate Orbán in Strasbourg in early October when the two attended the European Parliament’s plenary session. Orbán shook Magyar’s hand; the first time he had done so with a major opposition leader in a decade.  Magyar called it “historic.” That face-off, according to Magyar, was the first example of how von der Leyen and other EPP figures could support him ahead of national elections — and help him challenge the perception of “European bureaucracy” being the “enemy of Hungarian people.” For Brussels, Magyar represents a chance to bring Hungary back to the fold after years of Orbán’s increasing opposition to the EU institutions. Von der Leyen will visit Budapest on Nov. 7 to attend the European Political Community summit, a chance Magyar hopes she will use to meet with him one-on-one, speak with journalists and talk to students about Erasmus and the EU. Asked if he considers von der Leyen and the EPP close allies, Magyar said: “I don’t think I have any friends in the European Parliament.”  “There are encouraging signs, but neither Tisza nor our partners have yet had enough opportunities” to prove it, he added.

Hungary has proposed a new draft law that it hopes will resolve its ongoing dispute around Erasmus student exchanges with Brussels by banning ministers, MPs and mayors from top positions in public university. Budapest hopes the move will allow the affected universities to regain Erasmus and Horizon funding, with one top politician announcing Wednesday he’s stepping down to “help the government successfully negotiate with the European Union” to resolve the issue. As POLITICO reported in early 2023, 21 Hungarian universities were blocked from signing new EU grants because they were in the hands of public trusts filled with people from Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz party.  When the news broke, all the ministers who held positions in the trusts resigned from their university posts, but other ruling party politicians stayed on. The bill, which was published Tuesday and has now been submitted for public consultation, would prevent them from serving on the boards in the hope of reaching an agreement with the EU. However, the Ministry of Culture and Innovation, which oversees higher education, isn’t convinced the law will do the trick, even if it’s passed. The ministry admitted that it hadn’t yet reached an agreement with the European Commission and that the current draft law simply articulates a compromise that Brussels has already indicated is insufficient — but they’re going with it anyway. “Despite the government’s openness and initiatives,” the European Commission “has refused to act on the matter for almost a year,” the ministry said in a statement. Tibor Navracsics, the minister who led earlier negotiations with the Commission, told the Polish news agency PAP in January 2024 that the negotiations had reached a “dead end” and claimed that the European Parliament was blackmailing the Commission to reach a consensus on the issue.  Commission spokesman Balázs Ujvári confirmed in September that the situation had not changed, but “we have made our position very clear to the Hungarian government,” they have had several discussions and “they know what we expect.” September marked the beginning of the first academic year in which students from Hungarian public foundation universities could no longer participate in Erasmus student exchanges. However, the ban had already led to complaints in 2023 about the loss of millions of euros for universities: although they were not excluded from Horizon Europe research partnerships, they could only participate in them without EU funding.