Britain’s chief foreign minister plans to make a standalone visit to China, a
move designed to further boost economic and diplomatic engagement with Beijing
in the wake of an imminent trip by Prime Minister Keir Starmer.
Yvette Cooper said she “certainly will” travel to the country after Starmer
moved her to the role of foreign secretary in September. She declined to comment
on a possible date or whether it would be this year.
Cooper’s aim will be unsurprising to many, given Cabinet ministers including
Chancellor Rachel Reeves, Cooper’s predecessor David Lammy and the former
Business Secretary Jonathan Reynolds all visited China last year in a drumbeat
that will culminate in Starmer’s visit, widely expected around the end of
January.
However, they indicate that Britain’s ruling Labour Party has no intention of
cooling a courtship that has generated significant opposition — including from
some of its own MPs — due to concerns over China’s human rights record and
espionage activity.
Cooper herself said Britain takes security issues around China “immensely
seriously,” adding: “That involves transnational repression, it involves the
espionage threats and challenges that we face.”
Speaking to POLITICO ahead of a visit Thursday to the Arctic, where China is
taking an increasing strategic interest, Cooper added: “There are also some
wider economic security issues around, for example, the control of critical
minerals around the world, and some of those issues.
“So we’re very conscious of the broad range of China threats that are posed
alongside what we also know is China’s role as being our third-largest trading
partner, and so the complexity of the relationship with China and the work that
needs to done.”
SECURITY TAKEN ‘VERY SERIOUSLY’
Labour officials have repeatedly emphasised their desire to engage directly with
the world’s second-largest economy, including frank dialogue on areas where they
disagree. Starmer said in December that he rejected a “binary choice” between
having a golden age or freezing China out.
However, the timing is acutely sensitive for the Labour government, which is
likely to approve plans for a new Chinese “mega-embassy” in London in the coming
days. The site near Tower Bridge is very close to telecommunications cables that
run to the capital’s financial district.
Cooper declined to answer directly whether she had assured U.S. counterparts
about the embassy plans, after a Trump administration official told the
Telegraph newspaper the White House was “deeply concerned” by them.
Keir Starmer said in December that he rejected a “binary choice” between having
a golden age or freezing China out. | Pool Photo by Ludovic Marin via EPA
The foreign secretary said: “The Home Office, the foreign office, also the
security agencies take all of those security issues very seriously, and we also
brief our allies on security issues as well.”
However, Cooper appeared to defend the prospect of approving the plans — which
have run parallel to Britain’s aim to rebuild its own embassy in Beijing. “All
countries have embassies,” she said. “We have embassies all around the world,
including in Beijing.”
She added: “Of course, security is an important part of the considerations
around all embassies. So we need to have those diplomatic relationships, those
communications. We also have to make sure that security is taken very seriously.
The U.K. and the U.S. have a particularly close security partnership. So we do
share a lot of information intelligence, and we have that deep-rooted
discussion.”
Asked if she plans to make her own visit to China, Cooper responded: “I
certainly will do so.”
Tag - Rights
Faced with a barrage of American threats to grab Greenland, Denmark’s foreign
minister and his Greenlandic counterpart flew to Washington for — they hoped —
sympathetic talks with Marco Rubio, the secretary of state.
But their plan for a soothing diplomatic chat escalated into a tense White House
head-to-head with the EU’s nemesis, JD Vance.
Over the past year the U.S. vice president has earned a reputation for animosity
toward the old continent, and many governments in Europe fear his hardline
influence over President Donald Trump when it comes to seizing territory from a
longstanding ally.
Among the 10 ministers and officials who spoke anonymously to POLITICO for this
article, none regarded Vance as an ally — either in the Greenland talks or for
the transatlantic relationship in general.
“Vance hates us,” said one European diplomat, granted anonymity to give a candid
view, like others quoted in this article. The announcement that the vice
president would be helming the Washington talks on Greenland alarmed the
European side. “He’s the tough guy,” the same diplomat said. “The fact that he’s
there says a lot and I think it’s negative for the outcome.”
Trump says he wants “ownership” of Greenland for reasons of U.S. national
security and will get it either by negotiation or, if necessary, perhaps through
military means.
At stake is much more than simply the fate of an island of 57,000 inhabitants,
or even the future of the Arctic. The bellicose rhetoric from the White House
has dismayed America’s NATO allies and provoked warnings from Denmark that such
a move would destroy the post-war Western alliance. Others say it is already
terminal for the international order on which transatlantic relations rely.
In the event, the talks in Washington on Wednesday went as well as could be
expected, officials said after: The Americans were blunt, but there was no
declaration of war. Nor did the occasion descend into a public humiliation of
the sort Vance unleashed against Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy during
a White House visit last year.
The two sides clearly argued their cases with some force but resolved to keep
talking. A high-level working group will explore whether any compromise can be
reached between the Danes and Greenlanders, and Trump.
‘FUNDAMENTAL DISAGREEMENT’
The discussion “wasn’t so successful that we reached a conclusion where our
American colleagues said, ‘Sorry, it was totally a misunderstanding, we gave up
on our ambitions,’” Danish Foreign Minister Lars Løkke Rasmussen quipped to
reporters after what he described as a “frank” exchange with Vance and Rubio.
“There’s clearly a disagreement.”
“The president has this wish of conquering over Greenland,” Rasmussen added.
“For us, ideas that would not respect territorial integrity of the Kingdom of
Denmark, or the right of self determination of the Greenlandic people, are of
course totally unacceptable. And we therefore still have a fundamental
disagreement. And we agree to disagree.”
Talks in future must, he said, respect the “red lines” set by Greenland and
Denmark. It is hoped that the working group will help lower “the temperature” on
the issue when it begins its work in the coming weeks, Rasmussen added.
While Donald Trump can be distracted, some EU officials say, JD Vance appears to
be more ideological in his hostility to Europe. | Aaron Schwartz/EPA
The small win, for the Danes, is that the question of Greenland has — for now —
moved from wild social media images of the island dressed in the American flag
to a proper diplomatic channel, giving everyone time to calm down.
If it holds, that would be something.
A stream of X posts from Trump’s allies — alongside uncompromising statements
from the president himself — have left European officials aghast. In one that
the White House posted this week, Trump can be seen peering out of his Oval
Office window at a scene depicting the icy map of Greenland.
Behind him, looking on, is Vance. “It was terrible,” the first diplomat cited
above told POLITICO.
NO FRIEND
Few Europeans will forget Vance’s attacks on Zelenskyy in last February’s Oval
Office showdown. Vance also left Europeans shocked and horrified when he savaged
them for refusing to work with the far right, and complained bitterly how much
he resented America paying for European security.
By contrast, Rubio is often described as “solid” by European officials, and is
generally seen as someone who is more aligned with the priorities of the
European mainstream especially on security and the war in Ukraine.
At the time of writing, Vance had not given his account in public of Wednesday’s
talks on Greenland. In response to a request for comment, Vance’s deputy press
secretary pointed to previous remarks in which the vice president had said “I
love Europe” and European people — but also said European leaders had been
“asleep at the wheel” and that the Trump administration was frustrated that they
had failed to address issues including migration and investment in defense.
One EU official, speaking after the meeting, suggested it was actually a good
thing Vance was involved because he “calls the shots” and holds sway with
Trump.
Elsewhere, however, the skepticism remains deep — and turns to alarm at the
prospect that when Trump’s second term ends, it could be Vance who takes over in
the White House.
While Trump can be distracted, some EU officials say, Vance appears to be more
ideological in his hostility to Europe. That would be a risk not just for
Greenland but also for NATO and Ukraine. Some EU diplomats see Trump’s
territorial ambitions as part of a pattern that includes Vance’s attacks and the
new White House national security strategy, which sets out to redirect European
democracy toward the ends of Trump’s MAGA movement.
When it comes to the dispute over Greenland, many in Brussels and European
capitals are pessimistic. Even Rasmussen, the Danish foreign minister, didn’t
pretend a deal was in sight and confessed one may never come. “Trump doesn’t
want to invest in something he doesn’t own,” one EU diplomat said.
The U.S. has wide access to Greenland for military deployments under existing
agreements, and could easily invest in further economic development, according
to the Danes and their allies.
“It’s not clear what there is to negotiate because the Americans can already
have whatever they want,” another diplomat said. “The only thing that Denmark
cannot give is to say Greenland can become American.”
It may not be a question of what Greenland can give, if in the end the president
and his eager deputy decide simply to take it.
Victor Goury-Laffont and Nicholas Vinocur contributed reporting.
President Donald Trump has linked his desire to own Greenland with the
development of his nascent missile defense shield, Golden Dome.
Except that he doesn’t need to seize the Danish territory to accomplish his
goal.
Golden Dome, Trump’s pricey vision to protect the U.S., is a multi-layered
defense shield intended to block projectiles heading toward the country.
The president announced a $175 billion, three-year plan last year, although gave
few details about how the administration would fund it.
“The United States needs Greenland for the purpose of National Security,” Trump
said Wednesday in a Truth Social post. “It is vital for the Golden Dome we are
building.”
But the country already has the access it needs in Greenland to host
interceptors that could knock down enemy missiles. And the U.S. has other
locations it could place similar defense systems — think New York or Canada — if
many of the interceptors are even based on land, instead of space as envisioned.
“The right way for the U.S. to engage with an ally to improve our homeland
defense — whether through additional radars, communication antennas or even
interceptor sites — is to engage collaboratively with that ally,” said a former
defense official. “If strengthening homeland defense is the actual goal, this
administration is off to a truly terrible start.”
Here are three reasons why Golden Dome has little to do with Trump’s desire to
take Greenland:
HE COULD HAVE JUST ASKED DENMARK
The U.S. military’s presence in Greenland centers on Pituffik Space Base, which
operates under a 1951 defense agreement with Denmark that grants the U.S.
regular access to the island. The base is a key outpost for detecting threats
from the Arctic, although it doesn’t host any interceptor systems.
If the Pentagon wanted to station interceptors or more sensors on the island,
the U.S. could simply work with Denmark to do so, according to the former
official and a defense expert.
Greenland has been part of the U.S. homeland missile defense and space
surveillance network for decades and it would continue that role under Golden
Dome, said Todd Harrison, a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute.
“We already have unfettered access to what we need for Golden Dome in Greenland,
but the president talks as if he’s not aware of that,” Harrison said. “His
statements about Greenland are detached from reality.”
The White House, when asked for comment, pointed to Trump’s post.
HE COULD CHOOSE SOMEWHERE ELSE — THAT THE U.S. OWNS
Greenland could prove a good location for ground-based interceptors that block
missiles launching from Russia and the Middle East towards the U.S. But the U.S.
has other options for interceptor locations, and none would necessitate taking
another country (a seizure that could threaten to destroy the NATO alliance).
The Pentagon has examined potential locations for interceptor sites and Fort
Drum, an Army base in upstate New York, has routinely survived deep dive
analysis by the Missile Defense Agency, said the former defense official, who,
like others interviewed, was granted anonymity to speak about internal
discussions.
“Compared to Fort Drum, Greenland does not appear to be a better location for
such interceptors,” the person said.
Sen. Dan Sullivan (R-Ala.) has also said his state could play a “critical role”
in housing interceptors.
MUCH OF THE DEFENSE SHIELD IS SUPPOSED TO BE BASED IN SPACE
Trump’s assertion about needing Greenland for Golden Dome also raises questions
about what the multibillion-dollar architecture will actually look like. The
Pentagon has largely avoided discussing the price tag publicly.
And officials originally envisioned most of it located above the Earth. A key
part of Golden Dome is space-based interceptors — weapons orbiting the planet
that can shoot down incoming missiles.
But moving missile defense systems to space would require fewer ground-based
systems, negating the importance of acquiring more land for the effort.
“If Golden Dome’s sensor network and defenses are primarily space-based — as per
the current plan — Greenland might still be of value,” said a former defense
official. “But less so than it would be for terrestrial architecture.”
The head of the U.S. oil industry’s top lobbying group said Tuesday that
American producers are prepared to be a “stabilizing force” in Iran if the
regime there falls — even as they remain skeptical about returning to
Venezuela after the capture of leader Nicolás Maduro.
“This is good news for the Iranian people — they’re taking freedom into their
own hands,” American Petroleum Institute President Mike Sommers said of the mass
protests that have embroiled Iran in recent days. President Donald Trump is said
to be weighing his options for potential actions against the Iranian government
in response to its violent crackdown on the protests.
“Our industry is committed to being a stabilizing force in Iran if they decide
to overturn the regime,” Sommers told reporters following API’s annual State of
American Energy event in Washington.
“It’s an important oil play in the world, about the sixth-largest producer now —
they could absolutely do more,” he said of the country. Iran’s oil industry,
despite being ravaged by years of U.S. sanctions, is still considered to be
structurally sound, unlike that of Venezuela’s.
In order for companies to return to Venezuela, on the other hand, they will need
long-term investment certainty, operational security and rule of law — all of
which will take significant time, Sommers said.
“If they get those three big things right, I think there will be investment
going to Venezuela,” he said.
Background: Experts who spoke earlier from the stage at API’s event also
underscored the differences between Iran and Venezuela, whose oil infrastructure
has deteriorated under years of neglect from the socialist regime.
“Iran was able to add production under the weight of the most aggressive
sanctions the U.S. could possibly deploy,” said Kevin Book, managing director at
the energy research firm ClearView Energy Partners. “Imagine what they could do
with Western engineering.”
Bob McNally, a former national security and energy adviser to President George
W. Bush who now leads the energy and geopolitics consulting firm Rapidan Energy
Group, said the prospects for growing Iran’s oil production are “completely
different” from Venezuela’s.
“You can imagine our industry going back there — we would get a lot more oil, a
lot sooner than we will out of Venezuela,” McNally said. “That’s more
conventional oil right near infrastructure, and gas as well.”
No equity stakes: Sommers told reporters that API would oppose any efforts by
the Trump administration to take a stake in oil companies that invest in
Venezuela. The administration has taken direct equity stakes in a range of U.S.
companies in a bid to boost the growth of sectors it sees as a geopolitical
priority, such as semiconductor manufacturing and critical minerals.
“We would be opposed to the United States government taking a stake in any
American oil and gas companies, period,” Sommers said. “We’d have to know a
little bit more about what the administration is proposing in terms of stake in
[Venezuelan state-owned oil company] PdVSA, but we’re not for the
nationalization of oil companies or for there to be a national oil company in
the United States.”
LONDON — The U.K. government must “dare to have
principles” and help Greenland repel threats by Donald Trump, a senior minister
in Greenland’s government told lawmakers in London.
Speaking after a briefing with MPs in the U.K. parliament Tuesday, Greenland’s
Business and Energy Minister Naaja Nathanielsen said: “Dialogue is really,
really what is needed at this point. And … even though problems in this world
[are] complex, this should not be a reason not to go into these complex
dialogues. They can be solved through dialogue instead of violence and force.”
Nathanielsen held the meetings amid growing pressure from the White House,
where Trump is ramping up his threats to take control of Greenland —
a minerals-rich, semi-autonomous territory within Denmark — including by
military force.
The region is essential to securing U.S. security against threats from Russia
and China, Trump claims. The U.S. will take over Greenland “the easy way” or
“the hard way,” he said last week.
Nathanielsen said: “We feel betrayed. We feel that the rhetoric is offensive, as
we have stated many times before — but also bewildering, because we have
done nothing but support the notion that Greenland is a part of the
American national self-interest.”
Nathanielsen made her plea to politicians in London after Denmark warned U.S.
aggression would cripple the NATO military alliance. The leaders of Denmark and
Greenland both say Greenland is “not for sale”.
DEAR KEIR
Asked about the message she was bringing to U.K. politicians and Prime Minister
Keir Starmer, Nathanielsen said: “To insist on having the dialogue, even though
it’s difficult, to dare to have principles and belief in international law. I
think we will all be asked about that in the next couple of years.”
She said she would “like to repeat my gratitude” for Starmer’s support of
Greenland, and said the U.K. must “insist upon the global community upholding
international law” and “stress the relevance of NATO as a relevant and important
alliance.”
Starmer has warned Trump that Greenland’s future must be decided by Denmark and
Greenland alone. Danish PM Mette Frederiksen has told the U.S. it has no right
to the Arctic territory.
But the U.K. leader is also keen not to get into fights with Trump on too many
fronts, at a time when his government is trying to both secure
a favorable U.S. trade deal and influence the White House’s approach to striking
peace between Russia and Ukraine.
Trump says that securing Greenland is essential for bolstering U.S.
security. But Nordic governments have rejected his claims that Chinese and
Russian vessels are operating in waters near Greenland.
Nathanielsen said Greenland did not “detect an actual threat” but was “quite
content” with increased monitoring around the Arctic.
Leaders in Greenland are clear that “we have no intention of becoming American”
and are “quite happy with being part of the Kingdom of Denmark,” she stressed.
She would not be drawn on whether Greenland would expect backing from NATO
allies, including the U.K. if the U.S. were to invade Greenland.
Keir Starmer has warned Trump that Greenland’s future must be decided by Denmark
and Greenland alone. | Pool Photo by Ludovic Marin via EPA
“If this scenario was to happen, I think everybody in this room and everybody in
your countries would have to figure out: What is this new world order about?”
she said.
In that scenario “we would all be under attack,” she added.
END OF APPEASEMENT
One British MP who helped organized Nathanielsen’s visit said it was time for
the U.K. government to take a firmer line on Trump’s aggression in the region.
“I have a huge sympathy, because I know and I can understand
it. If you’re sitting in a foreign office right now, then this is a problem
which would keep you awake at night,” said Brendan O’Hara, a Scottish National
Party MP and chair of the all-party parliamentary group on Greenland.
But the time for “trying to keep this guy [Trump] on board” has gone, O’Hara
added.
“I don’t blame them for trying. But when you appease somebody to this extent,
and then they still openly talk about invading a NATO ally
— it’s incredible,” he said.
Dywne Ryan Menezes, founder of the Polar Research and Policy Initiative
think tank, which also helped organize Tuesday’s briefing, said the U.K. could
do more to show its support for Greenland.
“I’ve been saying for years now: With Greenland, we can’t see it as a small
country.
It might be a small country population-wise, but it is a geopolitical
giant that’s getting hotter by the day,” he said.
Menezes urged ministers to prioritize free trade talks with Greenland. “It’s one
thing we can do to demonstrate that, you know, we take it seriously. It is
action, and not just words.”
Nathanielsen said she was meeting a trade minister from the Labour government,
Chris Bryant, later on Tuesday, as part of “very early discussions” on a
possible free trade agreement between the two countries.
“Of course, when hopefully all of this cools down a bit, that you continue your
collaboration investments in Greenland, we are quite happy about your
partnerships,” she added.
BIG DAYS
But the future of Greenland, she acknowledged, may not lie in its own hands.
Foreign ministers from Greenland and Denmark are set to meet U.S. Vice President
JD Vance and Secretary of State Marco Rubio in Washington Wednesday.
Greenland officials hope the meeting will allow them a better understanding of
the “actual wishes from the American side,” Nathanielsen said.
Asked whether a deal proposing U.S. control should be put to a vote inside
Greenland, she agreed this was essential.
“I think we should be able to have a say ourselves in the future of our
lives. For others, this might be a piece of land, but for us it’s home.”
President Donald Trump has set his sights on several targets in the Western
Hemisphere beyond Venezuela — from Mexico with its drug cartels to the political
cause célèbre of Cuba.
But one place is oddly missing from Trump’s list: Nicaragua.
This is a country led not by one, but two dictators. A place where the
opposition has been exiled, imprisoned or otherwise stifled so much the
word “totalitarian” comes to mind. A place the first Trump administration named
alongside Cuba and Venezuela as part of a “troika of tyranny.”
Yet it’s barely been mentioned by the second Trump administration.
That could change any moment, of course, but right now Nicaragua is in an
enviable position in the region. That got me wondering: What is the regime in
Managua doing right to avoid Trump’s wrath? What does it have that others don’t?
Or, maybe, what does it not have? And what does Nicaragua’s absence from the
conversation say about Trump’s bigger motives?
Current and former government officials and activists gave me a range of
explanations, including that the regime is making smart moves on battling drug
trafficking, that it’s benefiting from a lack of natural resources for Trump to
covet and that it doesn’t have a slew of migrants in the U.S.
Taken together, their answers offer one of the strongest arguments yet that
Trump’s actions in the Western Hemisphere or beyond are rarely about helping
oppressed people and more about U.S. material interests.
“The lesson from Nicaragua is: Don’t matter too much, don’t embarrass Washington
and don’t become a domestic political issue,” said Juan Gonzalez, a former Latin
America aide to then-President Joe Biden. “For an administration that doesn’t
care about democracy or human rights, that’s an effective survival strategy for
authoritarians.”
Some Nicaraguan opposition leaders say they remain optimistic, and I can’t blame
them. Trump is rarely consistent about anything. He’s threatening to bomb Iran
right now because, he says, he stands with protesters fighting an unjust regime
(albeit one with oil). So maybe he might direct some fury toward Nicaragua?
“The fact that Nicaragua is not at the center of the current conversation
doesn’t mean that Nicaragua is irrelevant,” Felix Maradiaga, a Nicaraguan
politician in exile, told me. “It means that the geopolitical interests of the
U.S. right now are at a different place.”
Nicaragua is run by Daniel Ortega and Rosario Murillo, a husband and wife who
take the term “power couple” somewhat literally. They are now co-presidents of
the Central American nation of 7 million. Over the years, they’ve rigged
elections, wrested control over other branches of the government and crushed the
opposition, while apparently grooming their children to succeed them. It has
been a strange and circular journey for a pair of one-time Sandinista
revolutionaries who previously fought to bring down a dynastic dictatorship.
Hundreds of thousands of Nicaraguans have fled the impoverished country, some to
the United States. Meanwhile, the regime has enhanced ties to Russia, China and
other U.S. adversaries, while having rocky relations with Washington. Nicaragua
is part of a free trade agreement with Washington, but it has also faced U.S.
sanctions, tariffs and other penalties for oppressing its people, eroding
democracy and having ties to Russia. Even the current Trump administration
has used such measures against it, but the regime hasn’t buckled.
Nicaraguan officials I reached out to didn’t respond with a comment.
Several factors appear to make Nicaragua a lower priority for Trump.
Unlike Venezuela, Nicaragua isn’t a major source of oil, the natural resource
Trump covets most. It has gold, but not enough of that or other minerals to
truly stand out. (Although yes, I know, Trump loves gold.) It’s also not a major
source of migrants to the U.S.
Besides, Trump has largely shut down the border. Unlike Panama, another country
Trump has previously threatened, it doesn’t have a canal key to global commerce,
although there’s occasional talk of building one.
Nicaragua may be placating the president and his team by taking moves to curb
drug trafficking. At least, that’s what a White House official told me when I
sought comment from the administration on why Nicaragua has not been a focus.
“Nicaragua is cooperating with us to stop drug trafficking and fight criminal
elements in their territory,” the official said. I granted the White House
official anonymity to discuss a sensitive national security issue.
It’s difficult to establish how this cooperation is happening, and the White
House official didn’t offer details. In fact, there were reports last year of
tensions between the two countries over the issue. A federal report in
March said the U.S. “will terminate its Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA)
operations in Nicaragua in 2025, partly due to the lack of cooperation from
Nicaragua’s agencies.”
The DEA didn’t reply when I asked if it had followed up with that plan, but it’s
possible the regime has become more helpful recently. The U.S. and Nicaragua’s
cooperation on drugs has waxed and waned over the years.
In any case, although drug runners use Nicaraguan territory, it’s not a major
cartel hub compared to some other countries facing Trump’s ire, such as Mexico.
Some Nicaraguan opposition activists have been hoping that U.S. legal moves
against Venezuelan leader Nicolas Maduro would expose narcotrafficking links
between Managua and Caracas, providing a reason for the U.S. to come down harder
on the regime.
They’ve pointed to a 2020 U.S. criminal indictment of Maduro that mentioned
Nicaragua.
But the latest indictment, unveiled upon Maduro’s Jan. 3 capture, doesn’t
mention Nicaragua.
When I asked the White House official why the newer indictment doesn’t mention
Nicaragua, the person merely insisted that “both indictments are valid.” A
spokesperson for the Department of Justice declined to comment.
Nicaraguan opposition leaders say that although the new indictment doesn’t
mention the country, they still hope it will come up during Maduro’s trial. My
sense, though, is that Ortega and Murillo are cooperating just enough with the
U.S. that the administration is willing to go easy on them for now.
It probably also doesn’t hurt that, despite railing frequently against
Washington, Ortega and Murillo don’t openly antagonize Trump himself. They may
have learned a lesson from watching how hard Trump has come down on Colombia’s
president for taunting him.
Another reason Nicaragua isn’t getting much Trump attention? It is not a
domestic political flashpoint in the U.S. Not, for example, the way Cuba has
been for decades. The Cuban American community can move far more votes than the
Nicaraguan American one.
Plus, none of the aides closest to Trump are known to be too obsessed with
Nicaragua. Secretary of State Marco Rubio has long denounced the Nicaraguan
regime, but he’s of Cuban descent and more focused on that island’s fate. Cuba’s
regime also is more dependent on Venezuela than Nicaragua’s, making it an easier
target.
Ortega and Murillo aren’t sucking up to Trump and striking deals with him like
another area strongman, El Salvador’s Nayib Bukele. But, especially since the
U.S. capture of Maduro, the pair seem bent on proving their anti-imperialist
credentials without angering Trump. The results can be head-scratching.
For example, in recent days, the regime is reported to have detained around 60
people for celebrating Maduro’s capture. But around the same time, the regime
also reportedly freed “tens” of prisoners, at least some of whom were critics of
Ortega and Murillo. Those people were released after the U.S. embassy in the
country called on Nicaragua to follow in Venezuela’s recent footsteps and
release political prisoners. However, the regime is reported to have described
the releases as a way to commemorate 19 years of its rule.
Alex Gray, a former senior National Security Council official in the first Trump
administration, argued that one reason the president and his current team should
care more about Nicaragua is its ties to U.S. adversaries such as Russia and
China — ties that could grow if the U.S. ignores the Latin American country.
Russia in particular has a strong security relationship with the regime in
Managua. China has significantly expanded its ties in recent years, though more
in the economic space. Iran also has warm relations with Managua.
Nicaragua is the “poster child” for what Trump’s own National Security
Strategy called the Trump Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine, which warns the U.S.
will deny its adversaries the ability to meddle in the Western Hemisphere, Gray
said.
The White House official said the administration is “very closely” monitoring
Nicaragua’s cooperation with U.S. rivals.
But even that may not be enough for Trump to prioritize Nicaragua. Regardless of
what his National Security Strategy says, Trump has a mixed record of standing
up to Russia and China, and Nicaragua’s cooperation with them may not be as
worrisome as that of a more strategically important country.
With Trump, who himself often acts authoritarian, many things must fall in place
at the right moment for him to care or act, and Nicaraguan opposition activists
haven’t solved that Rubik’s Cube.
Many are operating in exile. (In 2023, Ortega and Murillo put 222 imprisoned
opposition activists on a plane to the U.S., then stripped them of their
Nicaraguan citizenship. Many are now effectively stateless but vulnerable to
Trump’s immigration crackdown.)
It’s not lost on these activists that Trump has left much of Maduro’s regime in
place in Venezuela. It suggests Trump values stability over democracy, human
rights or justice.
Some hope Ortega and Murillo will be weakened by the fall of their friend,
Maduro. The two surely noticed how little Russia, China and others did to help
the former leader. Maybe Nicaragua’s co-dictators will ease up on internal
repression as one reaction.
“When you get this kind of pressure, there are things that get in motion,” said
Juan Sebastian Chamorro, a Nicaraguan politician forced out of the country.
“They are feeling the heat.”
BRUSSELS — A coalition of European left parties has launched a call for
signatures to force the European Commission to suspend the EU’s association
agreement with Israel over Gaza.
Despite a U.S.-brokered ceasefire agreement in October, Israel has kept
attacking targets in the Gaza Strip with airstrikes, drones and tanks, prompting
the pro-Palestinian movement to renew its calls for the EU to take action
against Israel.
The coalition — led by France’s La France Insoumise, Spain’s Podemos, Portugal’s
Bloco de Esquerda, and Nordic left parties — has launched a European Citizens
Initiative titled “Justice for Palestine” calling on the EU executive suspend
ties with Israel over its “genocide against the Palestinian population, and its
ongoing violations of international law and human rights.”
If the initiative receives a million signatures from at least seven EU counties
— a likely outcome given the popularity of the issue — the Commission will be
forced to state which actions, if any, it will take in respond to the
initiative.
“The EU pretends everything is back to normal, but we will not turn a blind eye
to what is happening in Gaza,” said MEP Manon Aubry, the leader of La France
Insoumise, adding the “EU is helping to finance genocide” by not suspending
trade relations with Israel.
More than 100 children have been killed since the ceasefire agreement was signed
in March, UNICEF said Tuesday.
The Commission already proposed in November to suspend some parts of the
association agreement and to sanction some “extremist ministers” in the cabinet
of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
But parts of the package were never implemented because they required unanimous
approval from EU countries. After the ceasefire was reached the Commission
proposed withdrawing the measures; the issue has remained frozen ever since.
Foreign ministers from numerous EU countries as well as the U.K., Norway, Canada
and Japan sharply criticized an Israeli decision to bar 37 international
non-governmental organizations from providing aid to Gaza.
The humanitarian situation in the besieged territory remains dire, with many
living outdoors in winter weather. Four people were killed on Tuesday when a
storm caused buildings that had been damaged in the war to collapse, according
to local media.
Political leaders stepped up demands for new EU sanctions against the regime in
Iran, in response to the violent suppression of mass protests across the
country.
“Europe needs to act — and fast,” European Parliament President Roberta Metsola
told POLITICO. “We will support any future measures taken at EU level.”
Metsola, German Chancellor Friedrich Merz and Irish Prime Minister Micheál
Martin are among those who want Brussels to escalate sanctions against Tehran.
The EU’s executive in Brussels is reviewing options and promised to come forward
with a plan. Proposals under discussion include designating the Islamic
Revolutionary Guard Corps as a terrorist organization and tougher measures
against regime figures responsible for the violence.
Authorities in Tehran have sought to quell an uprising that has spread across
more than 100 towns and cities in Iran since Dec. 28. The protests began as
demonstrations against the dire economic situation, with rampant inflation and a
plunging currency making daily life almost impossible for millions of Iranians.
But they quickly grew into a nationwide uprising demanding, in many cases, the
overthrow of the ayatollahs’ authoritarian regime.
Accurate data is difficult to verify, after the regime shut off internet
communications, but an Iranian official claimed around 2,000 people may have
been killed, including security personnel, according to Reuters. Many thousands
of protesters have been arrested.
“Political signals, support and solidarity are important — but we need to show
that we are serious,” Metsola said. The EU must demonstrate it is watching the
unfolding crisis, listening to the calls of those demonstrating against the
regime, and most importantly “acting,” she added. “If we do not stand up and
call out these injustices, we let all these brave people in Iran, [who] are
marching for justice, down. We cannot let this happen.”
Metsola has announced she is banning all Iranian diplomats and officials from
entering any of the European Parliament’s buildings or offices. She then set out
her criteria for new sanctions.
“Measures must be effective and targeted, ensuring that those responsible —
politically, militarily or judicially — are held accountable,” Metsola said. “We
need to make sure that these sanctions are far-reaching and hard-hitting,
sending an unmistakable message that human rights violations will not be
tolerated.”
The German chancellor also indicated his team was working on a fresh EU package
of sanctions. “The regime’s violence against its own people is not a sign of
strength, but of weakness. It must end immediately,” Merz posted on X. “To
underscore this message, we are working on further EU sanctions.”
The European Commission has been weighing up further action. On Tuesday,
Commission President Ursula von der Leyen promised plans for a new wave of
sanctions would come soon.
“The rising number of casualties in Iran is horrifying,” she wrote on X.
“Further sanctions on those responsible for the repression will be swiftly
proposed. We stand with the people of Iran who are bravely marching for their
liberty.”
U.S. President Donald Trump announced any country doing business with Iran would
face a 25 percent American tariff. He has promised to come to the aid of
protesters and is weighing up options including potential military strikes.
The foreign ministers of Denmark and Greenland will make their case against
Donald Trump’s threats over the Arctic island when they meet U.S. Secretary of
State Marco Rubio on Wednesday, according to an EU diplomat familiar with the
plans.
While the talks have been mooted for some days, there was no confirmation of the
details.
Danish Foreign Minister Lars Løkke Rasmussen and Greenlandic Foreign Minister
Vivian Motzfeldt will hold the discussions at the White House.
The talks come after Trump ramped up his rhetoric on Greenland in a series of
saber-rattling statements in recent days following his administration’s bombing
raid on the Venezuelan capital and capture of leader Nicolás Maduro.
In a sign of the increasing diplomatic activity, Motzfeldt and Danish Defense
Minister Troels Lund Poulsen will travel to Brussels on Monday for a meeting
with NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte.
Both Copenhagen and Greenland, a self-ruling Danish territory, have rejected
Trump’s designs on the island, which he has repeatedly stated is vital to
American security interests.
“I’d love to make a deal with them. It’s easier. But one way or the other, we’re
going to have Greenland,” Trump said aboard Air Force One on Sunday.
Danish Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen said that a U.S. invasion would lead to
the end of NATO. European leaders have also pledged their support for
Greenland’s right to self-determination, amid fears U.S. operation in Venezuela
on Jan. 3 could embolden Trump to go after Greenland next.
President Donald Trump threatened Monday to impose a 25 percent tariff on “any
country” doing business with Iran, potentially affecting U.S. trade with China,
India, the United Arab Emirates, the European Union and others.
“Effective immediately, any Country doing business with the Islamic Republic of
Iran will pay a Tariff of 25% on any and all business being done with the United
States of America,” Trump wrote in a post on Truth Social. “This Order is final
and conclusive. Thank you for your attention to this matter!”
However, Trump does not appear to have issued an executive order to back up his
statement as of late Monday afternoon. A White House spokesperson also did not
immediately respond to questions about Trump’s social media post.
The threat follows reports from human rights groups that hundreds of people have
been killed in a brutal crackdown on protests against the Iranian regime that
intensified over the weekend. Trump has previously warned that the U.S. could
intervene if Iran’s government uses violence against the protesters.
“For President Trump this seems like a pretty mild response to a very
significant situation in Iran and so this will probably disappoint many in the
Iranian American community,” said Michael Singh, former senior director for
Middle East affairs at the National Security Council under President George W.
Bush, now the managing director at the Washington Institute for Near East
Policy. “The problem is that we have sanctions in place against Iran that are
quite tough, but they’re not being enforced — I mean Iran is selling lots of
oil, and so I think the question will be what’s new here and is it going to be
enforced, unlike the other sanctions that are already in place.”
The U.S. has little direct trade with Iran because of its steep sanctions on the
country, imposed in recent decades to punish Tehran for its nuclear program.
Last year, it imported just $6.2 million worth of goods from the country and
exported slightly more than $90 million worth of goods to Iran in
return, according to Commerce Department statistics.
However, the United States does substantial trade with countries that do
business with Iran, including China, India, the United Arab Emirates and the EU.
Earlier this year, Trump threatened to impose tariffs on any country that buys
Russian oil but so far has only taken that action against India, sparing China
in the process. He also threatened in March to impose a 25 percent tariff on any
country that buys oil or gas from Venezuela, but doesn’t appear to have followed
through on that threat.
Phelim Kine contributed to this report.