Faced with a barrage of American threats to grab Greenland, Denmark’s foreign
minister and his Greenlandic counterpart flew to Washington for — they hoped —
sympathetic talks with Marco Rubio, the secretary of state.
But their plan for a soothing diplomatic chat escalated into a tense White House
head-to-head with the EU’s nemesis, JD Vance.
Over the past year the U.S. vice president has earned a reputation for animosity
toward the old continent, and many governments in Europe fear his hardline
influence over President Donald Trump when it comes to seizing territory from a
longstanding ally.
Among the 10 ministers and officials who spoke anonymously to POLITICO for this
article, none regarded Vance as an ally — either in the Greenland talks or for
the transatlantic relationship in general.
“Vance hates us,” said one European diplomat, granted anonymity to give a candid
view, like others quoted in this article. The announcement that the vice
president would be helming the Washington talks on Greenland alarmed the
European side. “He’s the tough guy,” the same diplomat said. “The fact that he’s
there says a lot and I think it’s negative for the outcome.”
Trump says he wants “ownership” of Greenland for reasons of U.S. national
security and will get it either by negotiation or, if necessary, perhaps through
military means.
At stake is much more than simply the fate of an island of 57,000 inhabitants,
or even the future of the Arctic. The bellicose rhetoric from the White House
has dismayed America’s NATO allies and provoked warnings from Denmark that such
a move would destroy the post-war Western alliance. Others say it is already
terminal for the international order on which transatlantic relations rely.
In the event, the talks in Washington on Wednesday went as well as could be
expected, officials said after: The Americans were blunt, but there was no
declaration of war. Nor did the occasion descend into a public humiliation of
the sort Vance unleashed against Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy during
a White House visit last year.
The two sides clearly argued their cases with some force but resolved to keep
talking. A high-level working group will explore whether any compromise can be
reached between the Danes and Greenlanders, and Trump.
‘FUNDAMENTAL DISAGREEMENT’
The discussion “wasn’t so successful that we reached a conclusion where our
American colleagues said, ‘Sorry, it was totally a misunderstanding, we gave up
on our ambitions,’” Danish Foreign Minister Lars Løkke Rasmussen quipped to
reporters after what he described as a “frank” exchange with Vance and Rubio.
“There’s clearly a disagreement.”
“The president has this wish of conquering over Greenland,” Rasmussen added.
“For us, ideas that would not respect territorial integrity of the Kingdom of
Denmark, or the right of self determination of the Greenlandic people, are of
course totally unacceptable. And we therefore still have a fundamental
disagreement. And we agree to disagree.”
Talks in future must, he said, respect the “red lines” set by Greenland and
Denmark. It is hoped that the working group will help lower “the temperature” on
the issue when it begins its work in the coming weeks, Rasmussen added.
While Donald Trump can be distracted, some EU officials say, JD Vance appears to
be more ideological in his hostility to Europe. | Aaron Schwartz/EPA
The small win, for the Danes, is that the question of Greenland has — for now —
moved from wild social media images of the island dressed in the American flag
to a proper diplomatic channel, giving everyone time to calm down.
If it holds, that would be something.
A stream of X posts from Trump’s allies — alongside uncompromising statements
from the president himself — have left European officials aghast. In one that
the White House posted this week, Trump can be seen peering out of his Oval
Office window at a scene depicting the icy map of Greenland.
Behind him, looking on, is Vance. “It was terrible,” the first diplomat cited
above told POLITICO.
NO FRIEND
Few Europeans will forget Vance’s attacks on Zelenskyy in last February’s Oval
Office showdown. Vance also left Europeans shocked and horrified when he savaged
them for refusing to work with the far right, and complained bitterly how much
he resented America paying for European security.
By contrast, Rubio is often described as “solid” by European officials, and is
generally seen as someone who is more aligned with the priorities of the
European mainstream especially on security and the war in Ukraine.
At the time of writing, Vance had not given his account in public of Wednesday’s
talks on Greenland. In response to a request for comment, Vance’s deputy press
secretary pointed to previous remarks in which the vice president had said “I
love Europe” and European people — but also said European leaders had been
“asleep at the wheel” and that the Trump administration was frustrated that they
had failed to address issues including migration and investment in defense.
One EU official, speaking after the meeting, suggested it was actually a good
thing Vance was involved because he “calls the shots” and holds sway with
Trump.
Elsewhere, however, the skepticism remains deep — and turns to alarm at the
prospect that when Trump’s second term ends, it could be Vance who takes over in
the White House.
While Trump can be distracted, some EU officials say, Vance appears to be more
ideological in his hostility to Europe. That would be a risk not just for
Greenland but also for NATO and Ukraine. Some EU diplomats see Trump’s
territorial ambitions as part of a pattern that includes Vance’s attacks and the
new White House national security strategy, which sets out to redirect European
democracy toward the ends of Trump’s MAGA movement.
When it comes to the dispute over Greenland, many in Brussels and European
capitals are pessimistic. Even Rasmussen, the Danish foreign minister, didn’t
pretend a deal was in sight and confessed one may never come. “Trump doesn’t
want to invest in something he doesn’t own,” one EU diplomat said.
The U.S. has wide access to Greenland for military deployments under existing
agreements, and could easily invest in further economic development, according
to the Danes and their allies.
“It’s not clear what there is to negotiate because the Americans can already
have whatever they want,” another diplomat said. “The only thing that Denmark
cannot give is to say Greenland can become American.”
It may not be a question of what Greenland can give, if in the end the president
and his eager deputy decide simply to take it.
Victor Goury-Laffont and Nicholas Vinocur contributed reporting.
Tag - War
LONDON — Former British Prime Minister Tony Blair is set to take up a role in
making decisions on Gaza’s future, according to three people familiar with the
plans.
The ex-leader is being lined up for a seat on an executive committee attached to
the larger “Board of Peace,” the body that will oversee the transitional
governance of Gaza under the deal negotiated with U.S. President Donald Trump
last year for a truce in the war that followed the Oct. 7, 2023 Hamas attacks on
Israel.
Blair had been discussed as a candidate to serve on the Board of Peace, but
POLITICO has learned he is instead in line for a place on the executive
committee, while the larger Board of Peace effort will be led by Bulgarian
diplomat Nikolay Mladenov.
The FT reported that the executive committee will also include U.S. special
envoy Steve Witkoff and Trump’s son-in-law, Jared Kushner. The White House,
Witkoff and Kushner did not immediately reply to questions.
The Board of Peace is now expected to consist of the heads of state of at least
nine countries, according to one person familiar with the matter: the U.S.,
U.K., Italy, Germany, Turkey, Qatar, Egypt, UAE and Jordan.
The Sunday Times reported this past weekend that Keir Starmer had been offered a
place on the board, but U.K. officials said Wednesday that no formal invite for
the British PM has yet been received, and no decision has been made about his
future role.
Starmer’s spokesman told reporters: “Engagement with the U.S. to support the
implementation of the 20-point peace plan continues. The board of peace is one
element of the plan. Conversations about the exact shape of that are ongoing.”
Witkoff posted on X: “Today, on behalf of President Trump, we are announcing the
launch of Phase Two of the President’s 20-Point Plan to End the Gaza Conflict,
moving from ceasefire to demilitarization, technocratic governance, and
reconstruction.”
When he announced his 20-point peace plan, Trump said he himself would chair the
Board of Peace. The only other potential member he named was Blair, who was
closely involved in drafting the U.S.-led deal.
Since then, British officials have stressed that while Blair had played a
valuable role he had not been put forward as a broker by the U.K. government,
and that the E3 group of Britain, France and Germany would seek their own
representatives on the board.
Middle Eastern leaders had reportedly voiced concerns about the involvement of
Blair because of his role in the invasion of Iraq.
The FT reported that the executive committee will also include U.S. special
envoy Steve Witkoff and Trump’s son-in-law, Jared Kushner. | Pool Photo by
Ludovic Marin via EPA
The executive committee is separate from the Palestinian-led committee
responsible for managing reconstruction, security and political transition.
On Wednesday, Egypt, Qatar and Turkey announced in a joint statement that Ali
Shaath, a former Palestinian Authority official, had been chosen to head the
Palestinian technocratic committee charged with administering the Gaza Strip.
Nahal Toosi, Dan Bloom and Emilio Casalicchio contributed reporting.
HELSINKI — The U.K. is ready to work with its European allies to intercept
vessels in Russia’s “shadow fleet,” Britain’s chief foreign minister said
Wednesday.
A week after British armed forces supported the U.S. seizure of a
Russian-flagged oil tanker in the North Atlantic, Yvette Cooper said Britain is
prepared to work on enforcement with “other countries and other allies” against
ships suspected of carrying sanctioned oil or damaging undersea infrastructure.
Promising “stronger action” to break the shadow fleet’s “chokehold,” she added:
“It means a more robust response, and it means as we see operations by shadow
fleet vessels, standing ready to be able to act.”
While the foreign secretary would not be drawn on the specific action the U.K.
might take, her charged rhetoric appears to be laying the ground for future
interventions that go beyond last week’s coordination with the Trump
administration.
Officials believe that the U.K. government has identified a legal basis for the
military to board shadow fleet vessels in international shipping lanes, in
certain cases.
Cooper did not rule out the prospect of British forces boarding vessels, telling
POLITICO: “It means looking at whatever is appropriate, depending on the
circumstances that we face.”
She also did not rule out using oil from seized vessels to fund the Ukrainian
war effort — but cautioned that the prospect was of a different order to using
frozen Russian assets to fund Ukraine. That idea hit a wall in discussions
between EU countries in December.
The foreign secretary said: “As you know, we’ve had all sorts of discussions in
the past about different Russian sovereign assets. That’s a different set of
circumstances. So we take the approach that it always has to be done within an
international legal framework and on a case-by-case basis.”
Asked directly if she was talking about joint shadow fleet operations with
European allies, Cooper said: “We stand ready to work with allies on stronger
enforcement around the shadow fleet.”
Cooper made her comments on Wednesday after a demonstration on board the Finnish
Border Guard ship Turva. It took part in a Dec. 31 operation to seize a cargo
ship sailing from Russia to Israel, which was accused of deliberately damaging a
cable between Helsinki and Estonia.
Finnish authorities demonstrated a mock operation similar to the one that seized
the ship on New Year’s Eve. Cooper watched as five armed officers slid down a
rope from a helicopter onto the deck and stormed the bridge, shouting: “Hands
up.” The operation took around three minutes.
Cooper said after the demonstration: “The reason for being here is to see the
work that Finland has been doing around the shadow fleet, and to look at what
the further potential is for us to work with allies to strengthen that
enforcement work.”
Mari Rantanen, Finland’s interior minister, said the age of some Russian-linked
tankers using northern shipping routes risks an ecologically disastrous oil
spill. | Olivier Hoslet/EPA
She name-checked work by France and Finland, while one U.K. official said she
also intends to work with Norway.
Mari Rantanen, Finland’s interior minister, said the age of some Russian-linked
tankers using northern shipping routes risks an ecologically disastrous oil
spill. “These vessels, these tankers, are very old,” she told POLITICO. “They
are not built [for] this kind of icy weather, and they are in very bad shape, so
the environmental risk is huge.”
Mikko Simola, the commander of the Gulf of Finland coastguard, said he has seen
“a rapid change since early 2022” in the prevalence of malign activity, for
which Moscow denies responsibility.
Simola said he would let the courts decide who was culpable, but said it was
“certainly very strange to believe that in a short period of time, many cable
and gas pipe damages would happen by accident in the same area.”
Croatian President Zoran Milanović has slammed France for selling Zagreb
secondhand fighter jets while providing its rival Serbia with a brand-new fleet.
“We look like fools,” he raged last week, “because the French sell new Rafales
to the Serbs and used ones to us.”
Zagreb finalized a government-to-government deal with Paris in 2021 to modernize
its air force by purchasing a dozen Rafale fighters valued at €999 million. The
final aircraft, which were procured from France’s own stocks, were delivered
last April, replacing Croatia’s outdated Soviet-era MiG-21 fleet.
In August 2024, Serbia signed a deal to buy 12 Rafale jets from French
manufacturer Dassault Aviation fresh from the factory.
That transaction has enraged the Croatian president. Croatia fought Serbia in
the 1990s in the bloody wars that followed Yugoslavia’s disintegration.
While relations between the two countries have improved dramatically since then,
non-NATO Serbia’s close ties with Moscow are a worry to Zagreb, which joined the
Atlantic alliance in 2009 and the EU in 2013.
Serbia’s own EU candidacy has largely stalled, with Belgrade ditching a Western
Balkans summit in Brussels last month. Enlargement Commissioner Marta Kos called
on Serbia in November to “urgently reverse the backsliding on freedom of
expression.”
French Europe Deputy Minister Benjamin Haddad, who was in Zagreb on Monday to
discuss defense cooperation, defended the Serbia contract, saying Croatia should
be pleased Belgrade was “gradually freeing itself from dependence on Russia and
strengthening its ties with Western countries.”
But Milanović hit back that the deal was “implemented behind Croatia’s back and
to the detriment of Croatia’s national interests,” and showed “that every
country takes care of its own interests, including profits, first and foremost.”
The left-wing president added that the Croatian government, led by center-right
Prime Minister Andrej Plenković, had erred by not confirming “whether France
would sell the same or even more advanced aircraft models to one of our
neighboring countries outside NATO.”
DOMESTIC SQUABBLES
Croatian officials are split over whether the president was right to react the
way he did.
One Croatian diplomat told POLITICO that Milanović had a point and that France
was wrong to sell the newer jets to Serbia after fobbing off Croatia with an
older model.
But a second Croatian official said the deal was a good one for Zagreb and noted
that the Croatian government had signed a letter of intent in December with
Paris to upgrade its Rafale jets to the latest F4 standard.
“From France’s point of view, the signing of the letter of intent on December 8
in France by the minister [Catherine Vautrin] and her Croatian counterpart aims
to support the partner in modernizing its Rafale fleet to the highest standard
currently in service in France,” an official from the French armed forces
ministry echoed. “The defense relationship with Croatia is dynamic and not set
in stone in 2021.”
Croatia’s defense ministry said Milanović’s remarks “show elementary ignorance
of how the international arms trade works.”
“Great powers — the United States of America, France, the United Kingdom,
Russia, China — have been selling the same or similar weapons to countries that
are in tense and even openly antagonistic relations for decades,” the ministry
added. “The USA is simultaneously arming Israel and Egypt, Russia [is arming]
India and Pakistan, while the West is simultaneously arming Greece and Turkey.
This is the rule, not the exception.”
In Croatia, the president is also the commander-in-chief of the military but
shares jurisdiction over defense policy with the government, which is
responsible for the budget and the day-to-day management of the armed forces.
Milanović and Plenković are often at odds, a third Croatian official said,
arguing the president was using the issue to hammer his political rival.
DIRT-CHEAP FIGHTER JETS
France has looked to strengthen defense ties with Croatia, which spends over 2
percent of its GDP on defense and is transitioning its Soviet-era military
stocks to Western arms. Some of those purchases are coming from France.
Plenković was in Paris in December to sign a separate deal with KNDS France for
18 Caesar self-propelled howitzers and 15 Serval armored vehicles, with the
equipment to be purchased with the EU’s loans-for-weapons SAFE money.
In the original fighter jet deal, Croatia bought airplanes that were being used
by the French air force, meaning they were cheaper than new stock and were
available quickly. At the time the decision was criticized in Paris by
parliamentarians arguing France was weakening its own air force to seal export
contracts.
Serbia, meanwhile, reportedly paid €2.7 billion for the same number of jets,
which are expected to be delivered as of 2028. China and Russia provide the vast
majority of Belgrade’s weapons, with France a distant third.
BRUSSELS — European governments are pressuring the EU to appoint a negotiator to
represent their interests on Ukraine, fearing the United States will stitch up a
deal with Russia behind their backs.
Supporters of the plan — including France and Italy — have secured support in
the European Commission and among a handful of other countries for the post,
according to three diplomats and officials with direct knowledge of the talks
who were granted anonymity to speak to POLITICO.
They say Europe can only maintain its red lines, such as Ukraine’s potential
future membership in NATO, if the EU has a seat at the table.
The unprecedented move would mark a major shift in how Europe engages with the
string of bilateral talks brokered by U.S. President Donald Trump, and comes as
the continent works to demonstrate it is ready to play a major role in any
settlement to end the four-year war.
French President Emmanuel Macron and Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni have
joined forces in recent weeks to call for the opening of diplomatic channels to
Russian leader Vladimir Putin and his inner circle, even as White House peace
talks falter.
“Macron has been advocating in the last days that, in view of the bilateral
discussions between the Americans and the Russians, it is important to play at
least a role in the discussion,” a senior French official said. “Meloni very
much supported that … they’re not naive about what can be reached through these
discussions, but on the balance between not engaging and engaging, there’s a
growing appreciation [of the merits of engaging] in some capitals.”
Major disagreements remain over the details of the position. Critics say
appointing a negotiator would imply that Russia is ready to negotiate in good
faith and would accept anything other than Ukraine’s total subjugation. Trump’s
efforts to broker a deal have failed so far, with the Kremlin refusing to budge
from its demand that Ukraine hand over swaths of territory that Russian troops
have been unable to conquer.
MESSAGE TO MOSCOW
Discussions have been taking place in Brussels about what the bloc would
contribute to any talks, and how they could be used to ensure Trump doesn’t
sideline its concerns.
“There are some issues which cannot be discussed with [only] the U.S. when they
have direct implications on our security as Europeans,” the official said. “The
message to Washington is as important as [the message] to Moscow.”
Kurt Volker, who served as U.S. Special Representative for Ukraine Negotiations
in Trump’s first term and as ambassador to NATO in 2008-2009 under
then-President George W. Bush, told POLITICO that Brussels has to be more
assertive if it wants to be included in the talks.
“It’s been made clear Trump is going to keep up his dialog with Putin both
directly and through [U.S. envoy Steve] Witkoff,” he said. “That’s not going
away. So you have to have your own communication if it’s going on — it’s not
about being in the same room as the Americans and the Russians, it’s about
having any kind of communication.”
JOB CREATION
European leaders first discussed the idea of a special envoy at an EU summit
last March, a senior EU official confirmed. Despite getting broad backing, no
decision was taken and the proposals were left out of the subsequent joint
statement.
The role would have been narrowly focused on representing Brussels in talks
alongside Kyiv — an altogether different proposition to Meloni’s suggestion of
an interlocutor for Moscow.
“Countries that were supportive of a Ukraine envoy may not be supportive of an
envoy to speak with Russia,” the official said.
Kaja Kallas, the EU’s high representative for foreign affairs, has consistently
positioned herself as the only candidate for any role in negotiations over
Ukraine’s future. | Filip Singer/EPA
Kaja Kallas, the EU’s high representative for foreign affairs, has consistently
positioned herself as the only candidate for any role in negotiations over
Ukraine’s future. The former Estonian prime minister has been a steadfast ally
of Kyiv and has used her role to corral capitals into backing stronger sanctions
designed to force Russia to end its war of aggression.
“If Europe were to name a special envoy, the question is who does that person
represent? Who do they report to?” Volker asked. “If it were [Commission
President Ursula]von der Leyen, that sidelines Kaja Kallas and the External
Action Service [the EU’s diplomatic corps] — most envoys have typically been
within the action service, but then that would be at such a low level when they
need to talk to Putin directly, it wouldn’t work.
“But then I can just imagine the discussions in the Commission if it were to be
the Council who had an envoy. That would never fly.”
Officials confirmed that key aspects of the job — such as whether it would
represent just the EU or the entire “coalition of the willing,” including the
U.K. and others — have yet to be worked out. Ditto the diplomatic rank, and
whether to formally appoint a bureaucrat or informally delegate the role to a
current national leader.
Italian government minister Giovanbattista Fazzolari — an influential ally of
Meloni whose Ukrainian wife is credited with building support for Kyiv within
Rome’s governing coalition — said over the weekend that former Italian Prime
Minister Mario Draghi should be offered the special envoy job.
Another four diplomats, meanwhile, noted that Finnish President Alexander Stubb
has often been considered a potential representative for Europe in any talks
with Washington and Moscow. The center-right veteran diplomat has struck up
friendly relations with Trump while playing golf, while his country shares a
border with Russia and has been on the receiving end of hybrid campaigns from
the Kremlin.
According to one of them, relying on “a sitting leader” means they could be “a
bit more free in what they say.” However, “another question is figuring out what
is the moment to speak with Putin. Is there a risk that if you do so, you’re
also in a way legitimizing his positions?”
Two EU officials underlined to POLITICO that no special envoy role exists and
that any talk of candidates was premature. That said, a third noted, “none of
these jobs exist until they do.”
Jacopo Barigazzi contributed reporting.
BRUSSELS — EU leaders are scrambling to come up with a deal on Greenland’s
future that would allow Donald Trump to claim victory on the issue without
destroying the alliance that underpins European security.
From proposals to using NATO to bolster Arctic security to giving the U.S.
concessions on mineral extraction, the bloc’s leaders are leaning heavily toward
conciliation over confrontation with Trump, three diplomats and an EU official
told POLITICO. The race to come up with a plan follows the U.S. president’s
renewed claims that his country “needs” the island territory — and won’t rule
out getting it by force.
“In the end, we have always come to a common conclusion” with Washington, German
Foreign Minister Johann Wadephul said after meeting U.S. Secretary of State
Marco Rubio, adding that their talks on the Arctic territory were “encouraging.”
German Chancellor Friedrich Merz said he hopes “a mutually acceptable solution”
will be found within NATO.
The foreign ministers of Greenland and Denmark will meet U.S. Vice President JD
Vance alongside Rubio at the White House on Wednesday. They are hoping for “an
honest conversation with the administration,” according to another EU diplomat
familiar with plans for the meeting.
THE ART OF THE DEAL
Asked to describe a possible endgame on Greenland, the first EU diplomat said it
could be a deal that would give Trump a victory he could sell domestically, such
as forcing European countries to invest more in Arctic security as well as a
promise that the U.S. could profit from Greenland’s mineral wealth.
Trump is primarily looking for a win on Greenland, the diplomat said. “If you
can smartly repackage Arctic security, blend in critical minerals, put a big bow
on top, there’s a chance” of getting Trump to sign on. “Past experience” — for
example when EU allies pledged to spend 5 percent of GDP on defense — showed
“this is always how things have gone.”
On defense, NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte laid the groundwork for a deal
when on Monday he said countries in the alliance were discussing ways of
bolstering Arctic security. While the shape of the “next steps” touted by Rutte
remain to be defined, a ramped-up investment by European NATO members is one
possibility that could fit with Trump’s desire to see Europe shoulder greater
responsibility for its security.
On mineral extraction, details are blurrier. But a deal that guarantees the U.S.
a share of profits from extraction of critical raw materials is one possibility,
said the EU official.
For now, capacity to extract critical raw materials from Greenland is limited.
Denmark has spent years seeking investment for long-term projects, with little
luck as countries have preferred obtaining minerals at a much cheaper rate on
global markets.
The EU is planning to more than double its investment in Greenland in its
next-long term budget — including funds oriented toward critical raw materials
projects. This could be a hook for Trump to accept a co-investment deal.
Yet, if Trump’s real aim is the island’s minerals, Danes have been offering the
U.S the chance to invest in Greenland for years — an offer refused by American
officials, several diplomats said. If Trump’s push on Greenland is about China
and Russia, he could easily ask Copenhagen to increase the presence of U.S
troops on the island, they also say.
A third EU diplomat questioned whether Trump’s real aim was to get into the
history books. Trump’s Make America Great Again slogan “has become a
geographical concept; he wants to go down in history as the man who has made
America ‘greater’ — in geographical terms,” they said.
PRESERVING NATO
Above all, governments are trying to avoid a military clash, the three diplomats
and EU official said. A direct intervention by the U.S. on Greenland — a
territory belonging to a member of the EU and NATO — would effectively spell the
end of the postwar security order, leaders have warned.
“It would be an unprecedented situation in the history of NATO and any defense
alliance,” German Defense Minister Boris Pistorius said Tuesday, adding that
Berlin is talking with Copenhagen about the options at Europe’s disposal if the
U.S. launches a takeover.
EU Defense Commissioner Andrius Kubilius and Danish Prime Minister Mette
Fredriksen both said a military intervention would be the end of NATO.
“Everything would stop,” Fredriksen said.
NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte laid the groundwork for a deal when on Monday
he said countries in the alliance were discussing ways of bolstering Arctic
security. | Paul Morigi/Getty Images
“No provision [in the alliance’s 1949 founding treaty] envisions an attack on
one NATO ally by another one,” said a NATO diplomat, who was granted anonymity
to speak freely. It would mean “the end of the alliance,” they added.
Trump said “it may be a choice” for the U.S. between pursuing his ambition to
take control of Greenland and keeping the alliance intact.
Preserving NATO remains the bloc’s top priority, the first EU diplomat said.
While both privately and publicly officials have forcefully rejected the idea
Europe might “give up” Greenland to the U.S., the comments underscore how
desperate governments are to avoid a direct clash with Washington.
“This is serious – and Europe is scared,” said a fourth EU diplomat involved in
discussions in Brussels on how the bloc responds. A fifth described the moment
as “seismic,” because it signaled that the U.S. was ready to rip up a hundred
years of ironclad relations.
STILL REELING
While European leaders are largely on the same page that a military conflict is
unconscionable, how to reach a negotiated settlement is proving thornier.
Until the U.S. military strike on Venezuela on Jan. 3, and Trump’s fresh claims
the U.S. needs to “have” Greenland, the Europeans were very conspicuously not
working on a plan to protect Greenland from Trump — because to do so might risk
making the threat real.
“It’s been something we’ve anticipated as a potential risk, but something that
we can do very little about,” said Thomas Crosbie, a U.S. military expert at the
Royal Danish Defense College, which provides training and education for the
Danish defense force.
“The idea has been that the more we focus on this, and the more we create
preparations around resisting this, the more we make it likely to happen. So
there’s been anxiety that [by planning for a U.S. invasion] we may accidentally
encourage more interest in this, and, you know, kind of escalate,” Crosbie said.
But the problem was that, having spent six years studiously avoiding making a
plan to respond to Trump’s threats, Europe was left scrabbling for one.
Europeans are now faced with figuring out what they have in their “toolbox” to
respond to Washington, a former Danish MP aware of discussions said. “The normal
rulebook doesn’t work anymore.”
Officials consider it the biggest challenge to Europe since the Second World War
and they’re not sure what to do.
“We know how we would react if Russia started to behave this way,” the fourth
diplomat said. But with the U.S, “this is simply not something we are used to.”
Victor Jack, Nette Nöstlinger, Chris Lunday, Zoya Sheftalovich and Seb Starcevic
contributed reporting.
Arctic Caucus co-Chairs Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska) and Angus King (I-Maine) will
meet on Wednesday with Danish Ambassador Jesper Møller Sørensen to reaffirm
their opposition to President Donald Trump’s effort to acquire Greenland.
The closed-door meeting comes as Trump has floated the idea of obtaining
Greenland “one way or another” — rhetoric that has drawn sharp rebukes from
Copenhagen and Nuuk. The idea of taking over the Danish territory has met
resistance from some senior Republicans and outright opposition from Democrats.
Murkowski said she would support a war powers resolution to bar Trump from
taking action to invade Greenland, if it were offered. A bipartisan group of
House lawmakers has introduced like-minded legislation that covers any NATO
ally.
“There’s been a lot of talk about that, which, in fairness, is crazy,” Murkowski
said in an interview, referring to speculation that Congress could eventually
invoke war powers authorities in connection with Greenland. “Who would have ever
thought you would say the word Greenland in the same sentence as war powers
resolution?”
The new legislation comes as Hill Democrats search for ways to keep the Trump
administration from taking further military action in Venezuela. The Senate is
poised to vote this week on a war powers resolution tied to Venezuela, though
its path in the House remains unclear.
Trump administration officials, meanwhile, are openly discussing options —
including the use of force — to seize Greenland, a move that would trigger
NATO’s mutual defense clause and risk shattering the alliance.
“It’s easier,” Trump said Sunday, referring to buying the island. “But one way
or the other, we’re going to have Greenland.”
Murkowski said the goal of Wednesday’s meeting — with Møller Sørensen and other
officials from Denmark and Greenland — is “a constructive dialogue” with Danish
and Greenlandic officials and to underscore that Capitol Hill is not a bystander
as Arctic tensions rise.
“We here in this Congress actually have a role, have some input on whether or
not it might be appropriate to take some of these actions that the president is
suggesting,” she said.
Murkowski said she will travel to Copenhagen later this week with a small
bipartisan bicameral group to reinforce congressional concerns directly with
Danish leaders.
KYIV — Russia’s relentless assault killed at least 2,500 civilians and injured
12,000 in Ukraine last year, according to a new report published this week.
Those figures made it the deadliest year for Ukraine’s civilian population since
the Kremlin launched its full-scale invasion in 2022, the U.N. Human Rights
Monitoring Mission said.
The U.N. monitors included only deaths and injuries they were able to verify,
noting the total dead and injured toll in 2025 was still 31 percent higher than
in 2024, and 70 percent higher than in 2023.
The vast majority of casualties, around 97 percent, occurred in
Ukraine-controlled territory due to attacks launched by Russian armed forces.
Russia’s army increased its efforts to capture Ukraine’s eastern and southern
regions in 2025, with the campaign resulting in the killing and injuring of
civilians, destruction of infrastructure and new waves of displacement.
The aggression continues as Russian leader Vladimir Putin brushes off U.S.
President Donald Trump’s efforts to end the war.
More than 9,000 people were injured in 2025 in frontline areas, with the elderly
most affected. Civilian casualties by short-range drones increased by 120
percent last year, with 577 people killed and more than 3000 injured by FPV
drone attacks, compared to 226 killed and 1,528 injured in 2024.
Russian Ambassador to the U.N. Vasilii Nebendzia denied that Russia ever targets
civilians, blaming Ukrainian air defense for the death toll during the U.N.
Security Council meeting on Monday.
Russia attacked Ukraine with more than 20 different missiles and 293 killer
drones on Monday night, killing four and injuring six people in Kharkiv alone,
said local governor Oleh Synehubov.
The Kremlin has bombarded Ukraine’s energy system during freezing temperatures,
leaving hundreds of thousands of families without heating and electricity.
“Every such strike against life is a reminder that support for Ukraine cannot be
stopped. Missiles for air defense systems are needed every day, and especially
during winter,” Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said Tuesday.
“The world can respond to this Russian terror with new assistance packages for
Ukraine. We expect the acceleration of deliveries already agreed with America
and Europe. Russia must come to learn that cold will not help it win the war,”
Zelenskyy added.
LONDON — Reza Pahlavi was in the United States as a student in 1979 when his
father, the last shah of Iran, was toppled in a revolution. He has not set foot
inside Iran since, though his monarchist supporters have never stopped believing
that one day their “crown prince” will return.
As anti-regime demonstrations fill the streets of more than 100 towns and cities
across the country of 90 million people, despite an internet blackout and an
increasingly brutal crackdown, that day may just be nearing.
Pahlavi’s name is on the lips of many protesters, who chant that they want the
“shah” back. Even his critics — and there are plenty who oppose a return of the
monarchy — now concede that Pahlavi may prove to be the only figure with the
profile required to oversee a transition.
The global implications of the end of the Islamic Republic and its replacement
with a pro-Western democratic government would be profound, touching everything
from the Gaza crisis to the wars in Ukraine and Yemen, to the oil market.
Over the course of three interviews in the past 12 months in London, Paris and
online, Pahlavi told POLITICO how Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei
could be overthrown. He set out the steps needed to end half a century of
religious dictatorship and outlined his own proposal to lead a transition to
secular democracy.
Nothing is guaranteed, and even Pahlavi’s team cannot be sure that this current
wave of protests will take down the regime, never mind bring him to power. But
if it does, the following is an account of Pahlavi’s roadmap for revolution and
his blueprint for a democratic future.
POPULAR UPRISING
Pahlavi argues that change needs to be driven from inside Iran, and in his
interview with POLITICO last February he made it clear he wanted foreign powers
to focus on supporting Iranians to move against their rulers rather than
intervening militarily from the outside.
“People are already on the streets with no help. The economic situation is to a
point where our currency devaluation, salaries can’t be paid, people can’t even
afford a kilo of potatoes, never mind meat,” he said. “We need more and more
sustained protests.”
Over the past two weeks, the spiraling cost of living and economic mismanagement
have indeed helped fuel the protest wave. The biggest rallies in years have
filled the streets, despite attempts by the authorities to intimidate opponents
through violence and by cutting off communications.
Pahlavi has sought to encourage foreign financial support for workers who will
disrupt the state by going on strike. He also called for more Starlink internet
terminals to be shipped into Iran, in defiance of a ban, to make it harder for
the regime to stop dissidents from communicating and coordinating their
opposition. Amid the latest internet shutdowns, Starlink has provided the
opposition movements with a vital lifeline.
As the protests gathered pace last week, Pahlavi stepped up his own stream of
social media posts and videos, which gain many millions of views, encouraging
people onto the streets. He started by calling for demonstrations to begin at 8
p.m. local time, then urged protesters to start earlier and occupy city centers
for longer. His supporters say these appeals are helping steer the protest
movement.
Reza Pahlavi argues that change needs to be driven from inside Iran. | Salvatore
Di Nolfi/EPA
The security forces have brutally crushed many of these gatherings. The
Norway-based Iranian Human Rights group puts the number of dead at 648, while
estimating that more than 10,000 people have been arrested.
It’s almost impossible to know how widely Pahlavi’s message is permeating
nationwide, but footage inside Iran suggests the exiled prince’s words are
gaining some traction with demonstrators, with increasing images of the
pre-revolutionary Lion and Sun flag appearing at protests, and crowds chanting
“javid shah” — the eternal shah.
DEFECTORS
Understandably, given his family history, Pahlavi has made a study of
revolutions and draws on the collapse of the Soviet Union to understand how the
Islamic Republic can be overthrown. In Romania and Czechoslovakia, he said, what
was required to end Communism was ultimately “maximum defections” among people
inside the ruling elites, military and security services who did not want to “go
down with the sinking ship.”
“I don’t think there will ever be a successful civil disobedience movement
without the tacit collaboration or non-intervention of the military,” he said
during an interview last February.
There are multiple layers to Iran’s machinery of repression, including the hated
Basij militia, but the most powerful and feared part of its security apparatus
is the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. Pahlavi argued that top IRGC
commanders who are “lining their pockets” — and would remain loyal to Khamenei —
did not represent the bulk of the organization’s operatives, many of whom “can’t
pay rent and have to take a second job at the end of their shift.”
“They’re ultimately at some point contemplating their children are in the
streets protesting … and resisting the regime. And it’s their children they’re
called on to shoot. How long is that tenable?”
Pahlavi’s offer to those defecting is that they will be granted an amnesty once
the regime has fallen. He argues that most of the people currently working in
the government and military will need to remain in their roles to provide
stability once Khamenei has been thrown out, in order to avoid hollowing out the
administration and creating a vacuum — as happened after the 2003 U.S.-led
invasion of Iraq.
Only the hardline officials at the top of the regime in Tehran should expect to
face punishment.
In June, Pahlavi announced he and his team were setting up a secure portal for
defectors to register their support for overthrowing the regime, offering an
amnesty to those who sign up and help support a popular uprising. By July, he
told POLITICO, 50,000 apparent regime defectors had used the system.
His team are now wary of making claims regarding the total number of defectors,
beyond saying “tens of thousands” have registered. These have to be verified,
and any regime trolls or spies rooted out. But Pahlavi’s allies say a large
number of new defectors made contact via the portal as the protests gathered
pace in recent days.
REGIME CHANGE
In his conversations with POLITICO last year, Pahlavi insisted he didn’t want
the United States or Israel to get involved directly and drive out the supreme
leader and his lieutenants. He always said the regime would be destroyed by a
combination of fracturing from within and pressure from popular unrest.
He’s also been critical of the reluctance of European governments to challenge
the regime and of their preference to continue diplomatic efforts, which he has
described as appeasement. European powers, especially France, Germany and the
U.K., have historically had a significant role in managing the West’s relations
with Iran, notably in designing the 2015 nuclear deal that sought to limit
Tehran’s uranium enrichment program.
But Pahlavi’s allies want more support and vocal condemnation from Europe.
U.S. President Donald Trump pulled out of the nuclear deal in his first term and
wasted little time on diplomacy in his second. He ordered American military
strikes on Iran’s nuclear facilities last year, as part of Israel’s 12-day war,
action that many analysts and Pahlavi’s team agree leaves the clerical elite and
its vast security apparatus weaker than ever.
U.S. President Donald Trump pulled out of the nuclear deal in his first term and
wasted little time on diplomacy in his second. | Pool photo by Bonnie Cash via
EPA
Pahlavi remains in close contact with members of the Trump administration, as
well as other governments including in Germany, France and the U.K.
He has met U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio several times and said he regards
him as “the most astute and understanding” holder of that office when it comes
to Iran since the 1979 revolution.
In recent days Trump has escalated his threats to intervene, including
potentially through more military action if Iran’s rulers continue their
crackdown and kill large numbers of protesters.
On the weekend Pahlavi urged Trump to follow through. “Mr President,” he posted
on X Sunday. “Your words of solidarity have given Iranians the strength to fight
for freedom,” he said. “Help them liberate themselves and Make Iran Great
Again!”
THE CARETAKER KING
In June Pahlavi announced he was ready to replace Khamenei’s administration to
lead the transition from authoritarianism to democracy.
“Once the regime collapses, we have to have a transitional government as quickly
as possible,” he told POLITICO last year. He proposed that a constitutional
conference should be held among Iranian representatives to devise a new
settlement, to be ratified by the people in a referendum.
The day after that referendum is held, he told POLITICO in February, “that’s the
end of my mission in life.”
Asked if he wanted to see a monarchy restored, he said in June: “Democratic
options should be on the table. I’m not going to be the one to decide that. My
role however is to make sure that no voice is left behind. That all opinions
should have the chance to argue their case — it doesn’t matter if they are
republicans or monarchists, it doesn’t matter if they’re on the left of center
or the right.”
One option he hasn’t apparently excluded might be to restore a permanent
monarchy, with a democratically elected government serving in his name.
Pahlavi says he has three clear principles for establishing a new democracy:
protecting Iran’s territorial integrity; a secular democratic system that
separates religion from the government; and “every principle of human rights
incorporated into our laws.”
He confirmed to POLITICO that this would include equality and protection against
discrimination for all citizens, regardless of their sexual or religious
orientation.
COME-BACK CAPITALISM
Over the past year, Pahlavi has been touring Western capitals meeting
politicians as well as senior business figures and investors from the world of
banking and finance. Iran is a major OPEC oil producer and has the second
biggest reserves of natural gas in the world, “which could supply Europe for a
long time to come,” he said.
“Iran is the most untapped reserve for foreign investment,” Pahlavi said in
February. “If Silicon Valley was to commit for a $100 billion investment, you
could imagine what sort of impact that could have. The sky is the limit.”
What he wants to bring about, he says, is a “democratic culture” — even more
than any specific laws that stipulate forms of democratic government. He pointed
to Iran’s past under the Pahlavi monarchy, saying his grandfather remains a
respected figure as a modernizer.
“If it becomes an issue of the family, my grandfather today is the most revered
political figure in the architect of modern Iran,” he said in February. “Every
chant of the streets of ‘god bless his soul.’ These are the actual slogans
people chant on the street as they enter or exit a soccer stadium. Why? Because
the intent was patriotic, helping Iran come out of the dark ages. There was no
aspect of secular modern institutions from a postal system to a modern army to
education which was in the hands of the clerics.”
Pahlavi’s father, the shah, brought in an era of industrialization and economic
improvement alongside greater freedom for women, he said. “This is where the Gen
Z of Iran is,” he said. “Regardless of whether I play a direct role or not,
Iranians are coming out of the tunnel.”
Conversely, many Iranians still associate his father’s regime with out-of-touch
elites and the notorious Savak secret police, whose brutality helped fuel the
1979 revolution.
NOT SO FAST
Nobody can be sure what happens next in Iran. It may still come down to Trump
and perhaps Israel.
Anti-regime demonstrations fill the streets of more than 100 towns and cities
across the country of 90 million people. | Neil Hall/EPA
Plenty of experts don’t believe the regime is finished, though it is clearly
weakened. Even if the protests do result in change, many say it seems more
likely that the regime will use a mixture of fear tactics and adaptation to
protect itself rather than collapse or be toppled completely.
While reports suggest young people have led the protests and appear to have
grown in confidence, recent days have seen a more ferocious regime response,
with accounts of hospitals being overwhelmed with shooting victims. The
demonstrations could still be snuffed out by a regime with a capacity for
violence.
The Iranian opposition remains hugely fragmented, with many leading activists in
prison. The substantial diaspora has struggled to find a unity of voice, though
Pahlavi tried last year to bring more people on board with his own movement.
Sanam Vakil, an Iran specialist at the Chatham House think tank in London, said
Iran should do better than reviving a “failed” monarchy. She added she was
unsure how wide Pahlavi’s support really was inside the country. Independent,
reliable polling is hard to find and memories of the darker side of the shah’s
era run deep.
But the exiled prince’s advantage now may be that there is no better option to
oversee the collapse of the clerics and map out what comes next.
“Pahlavi has name recognition and there is no other clear individual to turn
to,” Vakil said. “People are willing to listen to his comments calling on them
to go out in the streets.”
BRUSSELS — Germany and the Netherlands are at odds with France in seeking to
ensure Kyiv will be able buy U.S. weapons using the EU’s €90 billion loan to
Ukraine.
EU countries agreed the crucial lifeline to Kyiv at a European Council summit in
December, but the capitals will still have to negotiate the formal conditions of
that financing after a European Commission proposal on Wednesday.
This sets up tense negotiations with Paris, which is leading a rearguard push to
prevent money flowing to Washington amid a growing rift in the transatlantic
alliance.
French President Emmanuel Macron is keen to give preferential treatment to EU
military companies to strengthen the bloc’s defense industry — even if that
means Kyiv can’t immediately buy what it needs to keep Russian forces at bay.
A majority of countries, led by governments in Berlin and The Hague, respond
that Kyiv must have more leeway in how it spends the EU’s financial package to
help fund its defense, according to position papers seen by POLITICO.
These frictions are coming to a head after years of debate over whether to
include Washington in EU defense purchasing programs. Divisions have only
worsened since U.S. President Donald Trump’s administration threatened a
military takeover of Greenland.
Critics retort France’s push to introduce a strict “Buy European” clause would
tie Kyiv’s hands and limit its ability to defend itself against Russia.
“Ukraine also urgently requires equipment produced by third countries, notably
U.S.-produced air defense systems and interceptors, F-16 ammunition and spare
parts and deep-strike capacities,” the Dutch government wrote in a letter to
other EU countries seen by POLITICO.
While most countries including Germany and the Netherlands support a general
“Buy European” clause, only Greece and Cyprus — which currently maintains a
neutral stance as it is chairing talks under its rotating presidency of the
Council of the EU — are backing the French push to limit the scheme to EU firms,
according to multiple diplomats with knowledge of the talks.
CASH FOR KYIV
EU leaders agreed last month to issue €90 billion in joint debt to support
Ukraine, after Belgium and others derailed a separate plan to mobilize Russian
frozen state assets.
Over two-thirds of the Commission’s funding is expected to go toward military
expenditure rather than ordinary budget support, according to two EU diplomats
briefed on the discussions.
With only a few days until the Commission formally unveils its plan, EU capitals
are trying to influence its most sensitive elements.
French President Emmanuel Macron is keen to give preferential treatment to EU
military companies to strengthen the bloc’s defense industry. | Pool photo by
Sarah Meyssonnier via AFP/Getty Images
Germany broke with France by proposing to open up purchases to defense firms
from non-EU countries.
“Germany does not support proposals to limit third country procurement to
certain products and is concerned that this would put excessive restrictions on
Ukraine to defend itself,” Berlin’s government wrote in a letter sent to EU
capitals on Monday and seen by POLITICO.
The Netherlands suggested earmarking at least €15 billion for Ukraine to buy
foreign weapons that are not immediately available in Europe.
“The EU’s defence industry is currently either unable to produce equivalent
systems or to do so within the required timeframe,” the Dutch government wrote
in its letter.
The French counterargument is that Brussels should seek to extract maximum value
from its funding to Ukraine.
Critics say that boosting Ukraine’s defense against Russia should take
precedence over any other goal.
“It’s very frustrating. We lose the focus on our aim, and our aim is not to do
business,” said a third EU diplomat.
Another diplomat said that a potential French veto can be easily overcome as the
proposal can be agreed by a simple majority of member countries.
GERMANY FIRST
In a further point of controversy, the German government, while rejecting the EU
preference sought by France, still suggested giving preferential treatment to
firms from countries that provided the most financial support to Ukraine. This
would play to the advantage of Berlin, which is among the country’s biggest
donors.
“Germany requests for the logic of rewarding strong bilateral support (as
originally proposed for third countries by the Commission) to be applied to
member states, too,” Berlin wrote in the letter.
Diplomats see this as a workaround to boost German firms and incentivize other
countries to stump up more cash for the war-torn country.
Giovanna Faggionato contributed to this report.