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Die SPD ringt sichtbar mit ihrem Führungsanspruch. Parteichefin und
Arbeitsministerin Bärbel Bas schließt eine Kanzlerkandidatur 2029 für sich schon
mal aus und löst damit Zweifel an Ambition, Rollenverständnis und strategischer
Orientierung der Sozialdemokratie aus. Gordon Repinski analysiert, warum diese
Aussage keine persönliche Zurückhaltung ist und was sie über den aktuellen
Zustand der SPD sagt.
Im 200-Sekunden-Interview stellt sich der Parlamentarische Geschäftsführer der
SPD-Fraktion Dirk Wiese den Fragen nach Richtung und Selbstverständnis seiner
Partei. Es geht um Bürgergeld, Reformen, Sanktionen, Rentenfragen, die
Energiepreise und um darum, ob die SPD noch auf Sieg spielt oder sich mit
Verwaltung begnügt.
Danach der Blick nach Sachsen-Anhalt.
Beim IHK-Neujahrsempfang in Halle sendet Kanzler Friedrich Merz
wirtschaftspolitische Signale, die in der Koalition noch für Diskussionen sorgen
werden.
Rasmus Buchsteiner ordnet ein, warum Merz dort über längeres Arbeiten,
Steuerpolitik und das Heizungsgesetz spricht und wie groß die Nervosität der CDU
mit Blick auf die starke AfD ist.
Und: Donald Trumps Ansprüche auf Grönland lösen weitere Sorgen aus in Dänemark,
aber auch für unerwartete wirtschaftliche Effekte mit einer ironischen Note.
Den Spaziergang mit Ulrich Siegmund findet ihr zum Nachhören hier und das
200-Sekunden-Interview mit Sven Schulze zum Unvereinbarkeitsbeschluss hier.
Die Machthaber-Folge, in der wir Giorgia Meloni porträtiert haben, gibt es
hier.
Das Berlin Playbook als Podcast gibt es jeden Morgen ab 5 Uhr. Gordon Repinski
und das POLITICO-Team liefern Politik zum Hören – kompakt, international,
hintergründig.
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Tag - Politics
Get set for this year’s most consequential election in the EU.
Hungary’s campaign stepped up a gear this week, with populist nationalist Prime
Minister Viktor Orbán facing the toughest challenge yet to his 15-year grip on
power. The long-suffering opposition hopes that Péter Magyar — conservative
leader of the opposition Tisza party, which is running 12 points ahead in the
polls — can overturn what Orbán himself styles as Hungary’s “illiberal
democracy.”
For many Hungarians, the election is a referendum on Orbán’s model. Under his
leadership the government, led by Orbán’s Fidesz party, has tightened its grip
on the media and state companies — sparking accusations of cronyism — while
weakening judicial independence and passing legislation that sent Hungary
plunging down transparency rankings. It now sits at the bottom of the World
Justice Project’s rule-of-law index for EU countries.
The 62-year-old Orbán is the EU leader closest to Russian dictator Vladimir
Putin and proves a continual obstacle to efforts by Brussels to build a united
front against the Kremlin. He has repeatedly clashed with the EU on topics
ranging from LGBTQ+ rights to migration. Predicting the end of the liberal
multilateral order, Orbán kicked off the year by saying the EU would “fall apart
on its own.”
But can Magyar — whose surname literally means “Hungarian” — really topple his
former ally? And even if he does, how far could he realistically guide Hungary
back toward liberal democracy with Orbán’s state architecture still in place?
POLITICO breaks down the five key questions as Hungary heads toward the seismic
April 12 vote.
1. WHY SHOULD I CARE?
Hungary may be relatively small, with a population of 9.6 million, but under
Orbán’s leadership it has become one of the EU’s biggest headaches. He has long
weaponized Budapest’s veto in Brussels to block Russia-related sanctions, tie up
financial aid to Ukraine and repeatedly stall urgent EU decisions.
He is also a key — and sometimes leading — member of a group of right-wing
populists in EU capitals, who unite on topics such as opposition to migration
and skepticism toward arming Ukraine. Without Orbán, Czechia’s Andrej Babiš and
Slovakia’s Robert Fico would cut far more isolated figures at summits of the
European Council.
Brussels has often resorted to elaborate workarounds to bypass Hungary’s
obstructionism, and Orbán’s persistent defiance has led to calls to ditch the
unanimity rule that has been in place for decades.
“You have heard me 20 times regret, if not more, the attitude of Viktor Orbán,
who, every time we had to move forward to help Ukraine … has used his veto to do
more blackmail,” EU liberal party chief Valérie Hayer told journalists Tuesday.
2. WHAT ARE THE MAIN BATTLEGROUNDS?
Magyar accuses Orbán and Fidesz of nepotism and corruption — of weakening the
country’s economy by favoring oligarchs — and of missing out on EU funds by
antagonizing Brussels.
Orbán wants to frame his arch-nemesis Magyar as a puppet controlled by Brussels.
Hungary’s campaign stepped up a gear this week, with populist nationalist Prime
Minister Viktor Orbán facing the toughest challenge yet to his 15-year grip on
power. | Zoltán Fischer/Hungarian PM Communication/EPA
In the past year, Fidesz has launched public debates aiming to divide Magyar’s
base — which spans green and left-wing voters to disenchanted former Orbán
loyalists — on subjects such as the LGBTQ+ Pride ban.
Tisza’s strategy has been to avoid positioning itself on controversial issues,
in an effort to garner an absolute majority that will grant the party power to
reform electoral law, which they say Orbán rigged to his benefit, and enable
constitutional changes.
Tisza’s No. 2, Zoltán Tarr, told POLITICO he expected Orbán’s government to
deploy “all possible dirty tricks.”
“State propaganda smears, AI-generated fakes, doctored videos, potential staged
incidents, blackmail, and exploiting the rigged electoral system. They will
mobilize everything because they have so much to lose,” Tarr said.
Speaking at Fidesz’s party congress on Saturday, Orbán lambasted Tisza as a
pro-EU stooge.
“If you vote for Tisza or DK [the social-democratic Democratic Coalition], you
are voting against your own future. Tisza and DK will carry out Brussels’
demands without batting an eyelid. Do not forget that Tisza’s boss is Herr
Weber, Europe’s biggest warmonger,” Orbán said, referring to the German chief of
the European People’s Party, Manfred Weber.
3. HOW AND WHEN DOES THE ELECTION TAKE PLACE?
The national elections will take place on Sunday, April 12. Voters will choose a
new 199-seat National Assembly under Hungary’s mixed electoral system, with 106
MPs elected in single-member constituencies and 93 from national party lists.
The long-suffering opposition hopes that Péter Magyar — conservative leader of
the Tisza party — can overturn what Orbán himself styles as Hungary’s “illiberal
democracy.” | Noémi Bruzák/EPA
POLITICO’s Poll of Polls shows Tisza leading with 49 percent support ahead of
Fidesz at 37 percent — with Orbán’s party having been trailing for almost a year
now.
Although the official campaign period begins Feb. 21, the race has effectively
been in full swing for months.
Other notable parties in the race are the Democratic Coalition (DK); the
far-right Mi Hazánk (Our Homeland) movement; and the satirical Hungarian
Two-Tailed Dog Party (MKKP), largely created to mock Orbán’s policies. But these
are fighting for survival as they may not meet the threshold of support for
winning seats in parliament — meaning the Hungarian legislature could be
exclusively controlled by two right-wing parties.
4. CAN THE ELECTION BE FREE AND FAIR?
Challengers to the ruling party face a system designed to favor Fidesz. In 2011
Orbán’s government redrew electoral districts and overhauled the voting system
to maximize its chances of winning seats.
“There is no direct interference with the act of voting itself, yet the broader
competitive environment — both in terms of institutional rules and access to
resources — tilts heavily in favor of the governing parties,” said political
analyst Márton Bene at the TK Institute of Political Science in Budapest.
In addition to controlling roughly 80 percent of the media market, the
government allows ethnic Hungarians in neighboring countries (who tend to favor
Fidesz) to vote by mail, whereas those living abroad who have kept their
Hungarian addresses must travel to embassies to cast their ballots.
“One side enjoys access to the full resources of the state, while the challenger
receives no public campaign funding and has virtually no presence in
state-controlled media,” said political scientist Rudolf Metz from the TK
Institute, adding that this imbalance is partially offset in the digital sphere.
But even the unfair conditions don’t preclude a Magyar victory, Bene says, as
long as the integrity of the voting process is preserved.
5. HOW MUCH WOULD A MAGYAR WIN REALLY CHANGE?
The Brussels establishment is praying for Magyar to win, hoping a Tisza
government will deepen ties with the EU.
Centrist chief Hayer said her party supported “any candidate who will carry
pro-European values, who will be able to beat” the incumbent Hungarian prime
minister.
Conservative boss Weber quickly welcomed Tisza into the center-right family to
secure influence in Budapest and to give them resources to develop their
electoral platform. He has repeatedly framed Magyar as the man who will save
Hungary from Orbán.
While viewed as a potential bridge-builder for the strained Brussels-Budapest
relationship, Magyar is by no means an unwavering EU cheerleader. He has been
noncommittal about Brussels, considering that any rapprochement could be used by
Orbán against him. In an interview with POLITICO in October 2024 he said “we
certainly don’t believe in a European superstate.”
Conservative boss Manfred Weber quickly welcomed Tisza into the center-right
family to secure influence in Budapest and give them resources to develop their
electoral platform. Filip Singer/EPA
On the domestic front, Tarr — Tisza’s No. 2 — told POLITICO the party wants to
“keep [the] border fence, oppose mandatory migration quotas and accelerated
Ukraine accession, pursue peace, fight Russian propaganda, strengthen V4
[Hungary, Poland, Czechia and Slovakia] and Central Europe without being
Europe’s bad boy.”
That echoes the prognosis of political scientist Metz, who said a victory by
Magyar “would not mean a radical U-turn or a return to some idealized past.”
“Hungary’s role as the EU’s permanent disruptor would probably fade, not because
national interests disappear, but because they would be pursued through
negotiation and institutional engagement rather than constant veto politics and
symbolic conflict,” Metz added.
Analysts also cautioned that change at home could be slow. Zoltán Vasali of
Milton Friedman University said dismantling the current system would be “legally
and institutionally challenging.”
“Core constitutional bodies will retain their mandates beyond the upcoming
elections, and key positions remain held by individuals aligned with the current
government, limiting near-term change,” Vasali said.
The scale of a Magyar victory could be decisive. A two-thirds parliamentary
supermajority, which would allow the new government to change the constitution,
Metz said, would be “a game-changer.”
“It would give a Magyar government the legal capacity to restore core elements
of the rule of law, rebuild checks and balances, and introduce safeguards such
as term limits for key offices,” he said.
Kinga Gál, Fidesz’s leader in the European Parliament, did not reply to a
request for comment by the time of publication.
Britain’s chief foreign minister plans to make a standalone visit to China, a
move designed to further boost economic and diplomatic engagement with Beijing
in the wake of an imminent trip by Prime Minister Keir Starmer.
Yvette Cooper said she “certainly will” travel to the country after Starmer
moved her to the role of foreign secretary in September. She declined to comment
on a possible date or whether it would be this year.
Cooper’s aim will be unsurprising to many, given Cabinet ministers including
Chancellor Rachel Reeves, Cooper’s predecessor David Lammy and the former
Business Secretary Jonathan Reynolds all visited China last year in a drumbeat
that will culminate in Starmer’s visit, widely expected around the end of
January.
However, they indicate that Britain’s ruling Labour Party has no intention of
cooling a courtship that has generated significant opposition — including from
some of its own MPs — due to concerns over China’s human rights record and
espionage activity.
Cooper herself said Britain takes security issues around China “immensely
seriously,” adding: “That involves transnational repression, it involves the
espionage threats and challenges that we face.”
Speaking to POLITICO ahead of a visit Thursday to the Arctic, where China is
taking an increasing strategic interest, Cooper added: “There are also some
wider economic security issues around, for example, the control of critical
minerals around the world, and some of those issues.
“So we’re very conscious of the broad range of China threats that are posed
alongside what we also know is China’s role as being our third-largest trading
partner, and so the complexity of the relationship with China and the work that
needs to done.”
SECURITY TAKEN ‘VERY SERIOUSLY’
Labour officials have repeatedly emphasised their desire to engage directly with
the world’s second-largest economy, including frank dialogue on areas where they
disagree. Starmer said in December that he rejected a “binary choice” between
having a golden age or freezing China out.
However, the timing is acutely sensitive for the Labour government, which is
likely to approve plans for a new Chinese “mega-embassy” in London in the coming
days. The site near Tower Bridge is very close to telecommunications cables that
run to the capital’s financial district.
Cooper declined to answer directly whether she had assured U.S. counterparts
about the embassy plans, after a Trump administration official told the
Telegraph newspaper the White House was “deeply concerned” by them.
Keir Starmer said in December that he rejected a “binary choice” between having
a golden age or freezing China out. | Pool Photo by Ludovic Marin via EPA
The foreign secretary said: “The Home Office, the foreign office, also the
security agencies take all of those security issues very seriously, and we also
brief our allies on security issues as well.”
However, Cooper appeared to defend the prospect of approving the plans — which
have run parallel to Britain’s aim to rebuild its own embassy in Beijing. “All
countries have embassies,” she said. “We have embassies all around the world,
including in Beijing.”
She added: “Of course, security is an important part of the considerations
around all embassies. So we need to have those diplomatic relationships, those
communications. We also have to make sure that security is taken very seriously.
The U.K. and the U.S. have a particularly close security partnership. So we do
share a lot of information intelligence, and we have that deep-rooted
discussion.”
Asked if she plans to make her own visit to China, Cooper responded: “I
certainly will do so.”
BRUSSELS — The EU’s centrist powers need to move to the right to reflect the new
political reality, according to Manfred Weber, the leader of the European
People’s Party.
The EPP caused uproar in Brussels last year when it voted alongside the far
right rather than with its traditional allies, the socialists and liberals.
Weber’s remarks are the strongest signal yet that he wants to repair bridges
with the other two parties that have ruled the EU for decades. However, he made
clear that those same allies must be willing to adapt, in an exclusive interview
with POLITICO, reflecting on 2025 and looking forward to 2026.
The S&D and Renew were furious at the perceived betrayal, saying the EPP had
gone too far by voting with the far right and smashed the firewall meant to keep
the far right away from decision-making.
But Weber was adamant he had done nothing wrong, saying: “I want to stop
populism and anti-Europeans,” and adding that he’s happy to work alongside the
centrist parties, but they need to listen to voters.
The outcome of the 2024 EU election, which changed Parliament’s arithmetic in
favor of right-wing and far-right parties, “has to be reflected” and
“translated” into policy to show that Brussels is listening to its citizens,
Weber said.
There are more challenges to come for the old coalition — a deregulation package
targeting environmental rules, a reversal of the ban on combustion engines, and
a bill to boost deportations of migrants.
“We can solve problems in the center when it is about the questions of
migration, the big fear and uncertainty for a lot of people who are afraid to
lose jobs … we have to take this seriously.”
According to Weber, the way to fight Euroskeptic and populist parties is by
tackling the issues they campaign on: “Please also consider … what we have to do
to take away the campaign issues from the populists, that is what is at stake,”
he added in the interview, which took place in late December.
In his logic, if citizens are worried about migration, the EU should deport more
people who are in Europe illegally; if people see green policy as hampering
economic growth, Brussels should scrap environmental reporting requirements; and
if thousands of jobs are being lost in the car sector, Brussels should give
industry more leeway in the transition to electric vehicle production.
“My invitation goes really to the socialists and liberals and others: Please
come back to this approach.“
MEET ME HALFWAY
Weber — who has been an MEP since 2004, leader of the EPP group in the
Parliament since 2014 and leader of the Europe-wide EPP since 2022 — said the
center-right is “delivering via successes” and that he “will not be stopped by
anyone” in implementing the party program.
He argued that when the EPP has voted alongside the far right — to dilute an
anti-deforestation bill, to pass green reporting requirements for businesses,
and to ease rules to deport migrants to third countries — these were not
“radical positions” and reflected the views of national governments and the
European Commission. The votes are “not a kind of radicalization.”
He said half of the liberal Renew Europe group voted in favor of slashing green
reporting requirements for businesses and the EPP has voted with the S&D on
“more than 85 percent of all votes in the European Parliament,” on issues
ranging from housing to climate, including on a 2040 carbon reduction target,
which he said should remain in place, even though parts of his group want to
scrap it.
Manfred Weber has called for the centrists to work with the Brothers of Italy,
the party of Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni and a member of the European
Conservatives and Reformists group, which is to the right of the EPP. | Ettore
Ferrari/EPA
“The EPP delivered on this, we are committed to the 2040 targets … It was also
not easy in my party, I have to be honest.”
MAKING FRIENDS WITH MELONI
Since the start of the 2024 EU election campaign, Weber has called for the
centrists to work with the Brothers of Italy, the party of Italian Prime
Minister Giorgia Meloni and a member of the European Conservatives and
Reformists group, which is to the right of the EPP.
This has angered Socialists and liberals, who argue that Meloni is a far-right
populist who should be excluded from EU decision-making.
When Commission President Ursula von der Leyen granted Italy an executive
vice-presidency in her second team, Meloni nominated Raffaele Fitto for the
role, prompting an unsuccessful bid by Socialists and Liberals to block his
appointment. The EPP defended Fitto’s candidacy, citing Meloni’s pragmatism and
reliability at the EU level. Fitto is now executive vice-president for cohesion
and reforms.
Weber said time has proven him right. A year-and-a-half after the election, “I
think nobody can really say that Raffaele Fitto is a right extreme populist …
he’s a very serious colleague.”
He blamed his centrist allies for focusing on rhetoric and “ideological debate”
instead of looking at the “reality on the ground” and understanding Europe’s new
right-wing political reality.
Meloni is “behaving,” Weber said, and “she’s ready to find compromises.”
SERBIA LET PUTIN’S SPIES ZAP DOGS WITH ‘SOUND CANNONS’
Documents show Belgrade brought in Russia’s FSB to conduct experiments on
animals.
By UNA HAJDARI
in Belgrade, Serbia
Illustration by Natália Delgado/ POLITICO
Serbian intelligence officers tested sound cannons on dogs in collaboration with
Russia’s notorious security service, according to government documents seen by
POLITICO.
The Serbian documents confirm that President Aleksandar Vučić’s administration
carried out experiments with high-powered loudspeakers colloquially known as
sound cannons, two weeks after an anti-government demonstration in Belgrade was
disrupted by what protesters described as a crippling sonic blast.
The joint testing of sonic weapons on animals highlights the depth of security
cooperation between Russia — the EU’s most belligerent adversary — and Serbia, a
stalled EU candidate whose government is facing a serious challenge.
The Long-Range Acoustic Devices (LRAD) devices are marketed for long-distance
communication, but when used at close range, they can risk hearing damage. They
have also been reported to cause headaches, dizziness and nausea. The government
has denied deploying sound cannons on demonstrators.
Serbia is in the grip of its largest protest movement in decades. For more than
a year, tens of thousands of people — occasionally hundreds of thousands of
citizens — have poured into the streets across the country, staging regular
nationwide rallies that reflect deepening anger at the government.
On March 15, 2025, during one of the biggest demonstrations, a sudden,
ear-splitting noise ripped down Belgrade’s main boulevard, prompting a wave of
people to duck for cover.
Videos filmed from multiple angles show the disturbance rippling through the
tightly packed crowd before people bolted in panic. Demonstrators arriving at
Belgrade emergency rooms reported nausea, vomiting, headaches and dizziness.
They reported hearing a sound like “a group of motorcyclists” or a “locomotive”
headed in their direction.
After initially dismissing allegations that authorities had deployed a sound
cannon, Vučić said “a complete investigation will be conducted within 48 hours,
and then all those responsible for such brutal fabrications and lies will be
held accountable to the authorities.”
Interior Minister Ivica Dačić also denied any wrongdoing, insisting Serbia “did
not use any illegal means, including a so-called sound cannon.”
A month after the protest, Serbia’s intelligence agency, the BIA, published a
report that they had commissioned from Russia’s Federal Security Service (FSB)
asserting that the high-decibel devices were “not used during the protests,” and
concluding there had been no mass “psychological, moral and physical impact on
people.”
The Serbian Ministry of Interior did not reply to a request for comment.
ANIMAL TESTING
The animal tests were conducted as part of the post-protest inquiry, according
to the documents seen by POLITICO, which were produced by the BIA and a
government ministry.
The intention was to assess whether the symptoms described by protesters were
consistent with the effects of sound cannons, which Serbian officials had
previously acknowledged the police possess.
About two weeks after the protest, Serbian and Russian intelligence specialists
gathered a group of dogs at a BIA testing site to evaluate the “effect of the
emitters on biological objects.” Dogs were chosen as the test subjects because
of “their high sensitivity to acoustic effects.”
The animals were blasted with two LRAD models — LRAD 100X MAG-HS and LRAD 450XL
— made by the California-based company Genasys, at “ranges of 200, 150, 100, 50
and 25 meters,” according to the documents.
Datasheets for the models deployed indicate they can emit sounds at up to 150
decibels, the equivalent of a jet engine at takeoff.
The documents also suggest the tests may have been carried out without the
approvals required for animal experiments.
“The Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Water Management… does not have
information on whether tests of the effects of the LRAD 100H and LRAD 450XL, as
well as other tests of the effects of other devices on dogs, have been
conducted,” the documents state.
“This Ministry has never received a request for approval to conduct tests on
animals, and therefore no decision has been issued approving the test in
question, as well as other similar tests,” they continued.
Danilo Ćurčić, a Serbian human rights lawyer, said the dogs were “subjected to
either experiments or abuse,” as defined under Serbia’s Animal Welfare Act.
He said Serbian law requires animal experiments to be registered in advance and
cleared through the competent bodies — including review by an ethics commission
— and it explicitly bars animal testing for the “testing of weapons and military
equipment.”
Radomir Lazović, an opposition politician, described the tests as “part of a
campaign by Aleksandar Vučić to cover up the use of sound cannons against his
own people at the protests in March.”
“Thousands of people felt the massive effects of this sonic weapon on their
skins last year,” he said.
In their report about the canine experiments, the FSB insisted: “When
transmitting the basic and test signals, biological objects (dogs) did not feel
discomfort (changes in behavior) at the distance under investigation. The dogs
were checked 3 days after the tests and did not show any changes in their
condition.”
One of the oddest occurrences in the Trump administration’s handling of the
Jeffrey Epstein imbroglio was the trip that Todd Blanche, the deputy attorney
general, took in July to Tallahassee, Florida, to meet with Ghislaine Maxwell,
who’s serving a 20-year sentence for procuring underage girls, some as young as
14, for Epstein to sexually abuse. Prior to being nominated by Trump to the No.
2 position in the Justice Department, Blanche was Trump’s criminal attorney in
the porn-star-hush-money-forged-business-records case in New York, in which
Trump was convicted of 34 felony counts.
Blanche never provided a compelling explanation for this unprecedented act. Why
was Trump’s former personal lawyer and a top Justice Department official meeting
with a sex offender whom the US government had previously assailed for her
“willingness to lie brazenly under oath about her conduct”? Legal observers
scratched their heads over this. Months later, Blanche said, “The point of the
interview was to allow her to speak, which nobody had done before.” That didn’t
make much sense. How often does the deputy attorney general fly 900 miles to
afford a convicted sex offender a chance to chat? It was as if Blanche was
trying to create fodder for conspiracy theorists.
What made all this even stranger is that after their tete-a-tete, Maxwell was
transferred to a minimum-security, women-only, federal prison camp in Bryan,
Texas, that houses mainly nonviolent offenders and white collar crooks. This
facility—home to disgraced Theranos founder Elizabeth Holmes and Real Housewives
of Salt Lake City star and fraduster Jen Shah—is a much cushier facility than
the co-ed Tallahassee prison.
When the transfer was first reported in August, the Bureau of Prisons refused to
explain the reason for the move, which Epstein abuse survivors protested. So I
filed a Freedom of Information Act request with the BOP asking for information
related to this relocation. Specifically:
> all records mentioning or referencing Maxwell’s transfer to Federal Prison
> Camp Byran. This includes emails, memoranda, transfer orders, phone messages,
> texts, electronic chats, and any other communications, whether internal to BOP
> or between BOP personnel and any other governmental or nongovernmental
> personnel
Guess what? The BOP did not jump to and provide the information. After a
months-long delay, the agency noted it would take up to nine months to fulfill
this request.
We are suing. That is, the Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press, a
nonprofit that provides pro bono legal assistance to journalists, today filed a
lawsuit in federal district court in Washington, DC, on behalf of the Center for
Investigative Reporting (which publishes Mother Jones), to compel the BOP to
provide the relevant records. The filing notes that the BOP violated the Freedom
of Information Act by initially failing to respond in a timely manner.
We’re not the only ones after this information. In August, Sen. Sheldon
Whitehouse (D-R.I.) sent a letter to William Marshall III, the BOP director,
requesting similar material. “Against the backdrop of the political scandal
arising from President Trump’s relationship with Jeffrey Epstein, Ms.Maxwell’s
abrupt transfer raises questions about whether she has been given special
treatment in exchange for political favors,” he wrote. Whitehouse asked for a
response within three weeks. He received no reply—and, along with Sens. Richard
Blumenthal (D-Conn.) and Adam Schiff (D-Calif.), filed a FOIA request.
In November, a whistleblower notified Democrats on the House Judiciary Committee
that at Camp Bryan Maxwell was receiving preferential treatment that included
customized meals brought to her cell, private meetings with visitors (who were
permitted to bring in computers), email services through the warden’s office,
after-hours use of the prison gym, and access to a puppy (that was being trained
as a service dog). That month, Rep. Jamie Raskin (D-Md.), the senior Democrat on
the committee, wrote Trump requesting that Blanche appear before the committee
to answer questions about Maxwell’s treatment. That has not happened.
Given the intense public interest in the Epstein case—and the scrutiny it
deserves—there ought to be no need to go to court to obtain this information
about Maxwell. But with Trump’s Justice Department brazenly violating the
Epstein Files Transparency Act, which mandated a release of the federal
government’s Epstein records by December 19 (by which time only 1 percent of the
cache had been made public), it’s no shocker that the Bureau of Prisons has not
been more forthcoming regarding Maxwell’s prison upgrade.
Our in-house counsel, Victoria Baranetsky, says, “At a time when public trust in
institutions is fragile, FOIA remains essential. Our lawsuit seeks to enforce
the public’s right to know and to ensure that the government lives up to its
obligation of transparency.” And Gunita Singh, a staff attorney for RCFP notes,
“We’re proud to represent CIR and look forward to enforcing FOIA’s transparency
mandate with respect to the actions of law enforcement in this matter.”
When might we get anything out of BOP? No idea. But we’ll keep you posted, and
you can keep track of the case at this page.
Sen. Patty Murray (D-Wash.) decried Republican efforts to discredit medication
abortion in an interview Wednesday with Mother Jones, saying that “the only
reason they’re going after mifepristone is because it is the way most women get
their abortive care.”
Mifepristone is one of the pills used in medication abortion, which in 2023
accounted for 63 percent of all terminations in the United States.
On Wednesday morning, the Senate Committee on Health, Education, Labor and
Pensions held a hearing on “protecting women” from the “dangers of chemical
abortion drugs.”
Chaired by Louisiana Republican Sen. Bill Cassidy, the hearing centered on
conservative demands for further regulation of abortion medication; two of its
three witnesses were medication abortion opponents, including Louisiana Attorney
General Liz Murrill, who on Tuesday pushed to extradite a California abortion
provider on felony charges, accusing him of sending abortion pills into her
state.
Democrats taking part, including Sen. Murray, argued that the hearing wasn’t
geared toward protecting women but discrediting settled science. In November,
Murray led the Senate Democratic Caucus in sending a letter to Health and Human
Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. and FDA Commissioner Martin Makary
expressing concern over the Trump administration’s review of mifepristone.
“Republicans are holding this hearing to peddle debunked junk ‘studies’ by
anti-abortion organizations which have no credibility and have been forcefully
condemned by actual medical organizations,” Murray said in her opening
statement. The hearing, she continued, was “really about the fact that Trump and
his anti-abortion allies want to ban abortion nationwide.”
According to a New York Times review of more than 100 studies spanning 30 years,
abortion medication is safe and effective; mifepristone, used both in medication
abortion and to treat miscarriage, has had FDA approval for more than 25 years.
In October, the FDA approved another generic version of the pill.
“You can see that they’re just pulling straws from absolutely everywhere,
because they want to obscure the whole goal” to “ban abortion nationwide,”
Murray said to me.
Republican officials insisted that medication abortion is too easy to get. Yet
in 13 states, abortion is banned in nearly all circumstances. Another seven
states have enacted time restrictions earlier than what was outlined in Roe v.
Wade.
At the same time, maternity care deserts are expanding across the nation.
According to a 2024 report by infant and maternal health nonprofit March of
Dimes, more than a thousand US counties—together home to more than 2.3 million
women of reproductive age—lack a single birthing facility or obstetric
clinician. Since 2020, 117 rural hospitals have stopped delivering babies, or
announced that they would stop before the end of 2025, according to a December
report from the Center for Healthcare Quality and Payment Reform. A National
Partnership for Women & Families analysis from June warned that 131 rural
hospitals with labor and delivery units are at risk of closing altogether due to
Republican-led cuts to Medicaid through President Trump’s “One Big Beautiful
Bill.”
I asked Sen. Murray about requiring consultations for medication abortion—and
why pregnant people aren’t going in person to seek out that route.
“It’s pretty stunning to watch these Republicans talk about this with a straight
face,” she told me. “The reason many women don’t,” Murray continued, “is the
abortion bans that in Republican states don’t give women the option to see a
provider.”
Murray expressed concern, “especially after we have a hearing like this, where
we heard so much misinformation,” that an already confusing landscape for those
seeking abortion could be further obscured.
And a new study, published Monday in the leading medical journal JAMA, found
that the FDA has repeatedly reviewed new evidence about mifepristone and
reaffirmed its safety.
Abortion medication, Murray pointed out, is less deadly than both penicillin and
Viagra.
“We didn’t have a hearing today on Viagra,” she told me. “We had a hearing on
mifepristone, so their whole thing about safety and all this is just hogwash.”
President Donald Trump has linked his desire to own Greenland with the
development of his nascent missile defense shield, Golden Dome.
Except that he doesn’t need to seize the Danish territory to accomplish his
goal.
Golden Dome, Trump’s pricey vision to protect the U.S., is a multi-layered
defense shield intended to block projectiles heading toward the country.
The president announced a $175 billion, three-year plan last year, although gave
few details about how the administration would fund it.
“The United States needs Greenland for the purpose of National Security,” Trump
said Wednesday in a Truth Social post. “It is vital for the Golden Dome we are
building.”
But the country already has the access it needs in Greenland to host
interceptors that could knock down enemy missiles. And the U.S. has other
locations it could place similar defense systems — think New York or Canada — if
many of the interceptors are even based on land, instead of space as envisioned.
“The right way for the U.S. to engage with an ally to improve our homeland
defense — whether through additional radars, communication antennas or even
interceptor sites — is to engage collaboratively with that ally,” said a former
defense official. “If strengthening homeland defense is the actual goal, this
administration is off to a truly terrible start.”
Here are three reasons why Golden Dome has little to do with Trump’s desire to
take Greenland:
HE COULD HAVE JUST ASKED DENMARK
The U.S. military’s presence in Greenland centers on Pituffik Space Base, which
operates under a 1951 defense agreement with Denmark that grants the U.S.
regular access to the island. The base is a key outpost for detecting threats
from the Arctic, although it doesn’t host any interceptor systems.
If the Pentagon wanted to station interceptors or more sensors on the island,
the U.S. could simply work with Denmark to do so, according to the former
official and a defense expert.
Greenland has been part of the U.S. homeland missile defense and space
surveillance network for decades and it would continue that role under Golden
Dome, said Todd Harrison, a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute.
“We already have unfettered access to what we need for Golden Dome in Greenland,
but the president talks as if he’s not aware of that,” Harrison said. “His
statements about Greenland are detached from reality.”
The White House, when asked for comment, pointed to Trump’s post.
HE COULD CHOOSE SOMEWHERE ELSE — THAT THE U.S. OWNS
Greenland could prove a good location for ground-based interceptors that block
missiles launching from Russia and the Middle East towards the U.S. But the U.S.
has other options for interceptor locations, and none would necessitate taking
another country (a seizure that could threaten to destroy the NATO alliance).
The Pentagon has examined potential locations for interceptor sites and Fort
Drum, an Army base in upstate New York, has routinely survived deep dive
analysis by the Missile Defense Agency, said the former defense official, who,
like others interviewed, was granted anonymity to speak about internal
discussions.
“Compared to Fort Drum, Greenland does not appear to be a better location for
such interceptors,” the person said.
Sen. Dan Sullivan (R-Ala.) has also said his state could play a “critical role”
in housing interceptors.
MUCH OF THE DEFENSE SHIELD IS SUPPOSED TO BE BASED IN SPACE
Trump’s assertion about needing Greenland for Golden Dome also raises questions
about what the multibillion-dollar architecture will actually look like. The
Pentagon has largely avoided discussing the price tag publicly.
And officials originally envisioned most of it located above the Earth. A key
part of Golden Dome is space-based interceptors — weapons orbiting the planet
that can shoot down incoming missiles.
But moving missile defense systems to space would require fewer ground-based
systems, negating the importance of acquiring more land for the effort.
“If Golden Dome’s sensor network and defenses are primarily space-based — as per
the current plan — Greenland might still be of value,” said a former defense
official. “But less so than it would be for terrestrial architecture.”
Trump’s pursuit of Greenland is becoming increasingly unpopular: Denmark,
Greenland, many NATO allies, and even some Republican lawmakers are in direct
opposition.
Denmark’s foreign minister, Lars Løkke Rasmussen, said there is a “fundamental
disagreement” with the Trump administration after he and his Greenland
counterpart met with JD Vance and Marco Rubio at the White House on Wednesday.
“Ideas that would not respect territorial integrity of the Kingdom of Denmark
and the right of self-determination of the Greenlandic people are, of course,
totally unacceptable,” Rasmussen continued. But they agreed to try to
“accommodate the concerns of the president while we at the same time respect the
red lines of the Kingdom of Denmark.”
Some GOP senators criticized the Trump administration’s actions toward Greenland
on Wednesday.
“I have yet to hear from this Administration a single thing we need from
Greenland that this sovereign people is not already willing to grant us,” Sen.
Mitch McConnell (R-KY) said in a speech on the Senate floor. “The proposition at
hand today is very straightforward: incinerating the hard-won trust of loyal
allies in exchange for no meaningful change in U.S. access to the Arctic.”
A bipartisan group of senators also introduced a bill on Tuesday to prevent
Trump from using Defense Department or State Department funding to occupy,
annex, or otherwise assert control over Greenland without congressional
approval.
“The mere notion that America would use our vast resources against our allies is
deeply troubling and must be wholly rejected by Congress in statute,” Sen.
Murkowski (R-AK) said in a statement.
Earlier on Wednesday, in a Truth Social post, the president insisted that NATO
should be “leading the way” to help the US get Greenland, otherwise Russia or
China would take the island. He added that the US getting Greenland would make
NATO’s military might “far more formidable and effective.”
Following the meeting, Trump repeated the importance of acquiring Greenland for
national security and to protect the territory and the Arctic region: “There’s
not a thing that Denmark can do about it if Russia or China wants to occupy
Greenland, but there’s everything we can do.”
But as former American military and diplomatic officials told the Wall Street
Journal in a Monday report, the US already has a dominant group of overseas
military bases—121 foreign bases in at least 51 countries—without taking over
other land. There is also no evidence of a Russian or Chinese military presence
just off Greenland’s coast.
In response to pressure from the Trump administration, Denmark’s defense
ministry announced an increased Danish military presence—including receiving
NATO-allied troops, bringing in ships, and deploying fighter jets—in and around
Greenland, noting rising “security tensions.”
“Danish military units have a duty to defend Danish territory if it is subjected
to an armed attack, including by taking immediate defensive action if required,”
Tobias Roed Jensen, spokesperson for the Danish Defense Command, told The
Intercept, referencing a 1952 royal decree that applies to the entire Kingdom of
Denmark, including Greenland. Denmark’s defense ministry confirmed that the
directive is still in effect.
Sweden Prime Minister Ulf Kristersson said Wednesday that several officers of
their armed forces would be arriving in Greenland that same day as part of a
multinational allied group to prepare for Denmark’s increased military presence.
Germany will send 13 soldiers to Greenland on Thursday and Norway’s defense
minister said they have already sent two military personnel.
The Trump administration’s threats make all of these moves necessary.
At the Senate Committee on Health, Education, Labor and Pensions’s abortion
pills hearing on Wednesday, Sen. Josh Hawley of Missouri spent the whole of his
allotted time reiterating disinformation about transgender people.
And, this isn’t the first time he’s utilized a hearing about reproductive
healthcare to do so.
During an interaction at the hearing, Sen. Hawley asked Dr. Nisha Verma, who
provides reproductive care in Georgia and Massachusetts, “Can men get pregnant?”
Hawley asked this question over 10 times, repeatedly cutting her off when she
attempted to answer.
Verma, along with Dr. Monique Wubbenhorst and Louisiana Attorney General Liz
Murrill, was called on by the committee for the hearing. Wubbenhorst previously
testified in support of anti-abortion initiatives, and AG Murrill just indicted
a California abortion provider on felony charges, accusing him of sending
abortion pills into her state.
Before Hawley had the chance to share his views on gender, Florida Sen. Ashley
Moody kicked off the topic by asking, “Miss Verma, can men get pregnant?”
“Dr. Verma,” she corrected.
Moody repeated:“Dr. Verma, can men get pregnant?” Verma paused. Moody asked the
other witnesses, who quickly replied “no.”
Later in the hearing, before handing off the mic to Sen. Hawley, Sen. Bill
Cassidy (R-LA), who chairs the committee, said, “I think it’s science-based, by
the way, that men can’t have babies.”
Then, it was Hawley’s turn.
“Since you bring it up, why don’t we start there,” he began. “Dr. Verma, I
wasn’t sure I understood your answer to Sen. Moody a moment ago. Do you think
that men can get pregnant?”
“I hesitated there because I wasn’t sure where the conversation was going or
what the goal was,” Dr. Verma responded, adding, “I mean I do take care of
patients with different identities, I take care of many women, I take care of
people with different identities.”
“Well,” Hawley returned, “the goal is the truth, so can men get pregnant?”
“Again,” Dr. Verma said, “the reason I pause there is I’m not really sure what
the goal of the question is—” Hawley cut her off, in part saying, “the goal is
just to establish a biological reality.”
“I take care of people with many identities—” Dr. Verma began, before being cut
off by Hawley.
“Can men get pregnant?”
“I take care of many women, I do take care of people that don’t identify as
women—”
“Can men get pregnant?”
“Again, as I’m saying—”
Hawley cut in. This tempo continued, with the senator at one point saying that
he was “trying to test, frankly,” Dr. Verma’s “veracity as a medical
professional and as a scientist” and “I thought we were passed all of this,
frankly.”
> Sen. Josh @HawleyMO: "Can men get pregnant?"
>
> Dr. Nisha Verma: "I'm not really sure what the goal of the question is."
>
> Hawley: "The goal is just to establish a biological reality…Can men get
> pregnant?" pic.twitter.com/4egtfZrPgB
>
> — CSPAN (@cspan) January 14, 2026
Transgender men can and do get pregnant, as detailed in several different
reports currently posted on The National Library of Medicine, which operates
under the Department of Health and Human Services. Scientific research on this
community is still limited, in part due to transgender men being hesitant to
seek medical care in hospitals. Research out of Rutgers University found that
about 44 percent of pregnant transgender men seek medical care outside of
traditional care with an obstetrician, like with a nurse-midwife.
During the hearing, Republican members described abortion medication as
dangerous and in need of further restriction. Their Democrat colleagues said
that the hearing, entitled “Protecting Women: Exposing the Dangers of Chemical
Abortion Drugs,” was a way to discredit settled science.
Mifepristone, one of the pills used in abortions with medication, has been
approved by the US Food and Drug Administration for over 25 years and, just this
past October, the FDA approved another generic version of the pill. A New York
Times review of more than 100 studies on abortion medication found that it is
safe and effective.
The current pushback against abortion medication, which accounted for 63 percent
of all abortions in the US in 2023, is being spearheaded in part by Erin
Hawley—the senator from Missouri’s wife. Erin Hawley works for the Alliance
Defending Freedom and, in 2024, unsuccessfully argued for further restrictions
on abortion medication in front of the Supreme Court. In December, the couple
launched “The Love Life Initiative,” which aims to support anti-abortion ballot
initiatives.
Back in 2022, at a different hearing on abortion access, Sen. Hawley focused on
the same topic with another witness: law professor Khiara Bridges. Hawley began,
as he did on Wednesday, by saying he “wants to understand.”
“You’ve referred to people with a capacity for pregnancy. Would that be women?”
Hawley said. Bridges responded, explaining that some cis women can get pregnant
while others can’t—and that people who don’t identify as women get pregnant,
too. “So,” the senator returned, “this isn’t really a women’s rights issue.”
Bridges replied, smiling: “we can recognize that this impacts women while also
recognizing that it impacts other groups. Those things are not mutually
exclusive, Senator Hawley.”