LONDON — British students will once again be able to take part in the EU’s Erasmus+ exchange scheme from January 2027 — following a six-year hiatus due to Brexit. U.K. ministers say they have secured a 30 percent discount on payments to re-enter the program that strikes “a fair balance between our contribution and the benefits” it offers. The move is one of the first tangible changes out of Keir Starmer’s EU “reset,” which is designed to smooth the harder edges off Boris Johnson’s Brexit settlement while staying outside the bloc’s orbit. In an announcement on Wednesday Brussels and London also confirmed they were formally beginning negotiations on U.K. re-entry into the EU’s internal market for electricity. Both sides hope the move, which was called for by industry in both sides of the Channel, will cut energy bills while also making it easier to invest in North Sea green energy projects — which have been plagued by Brexit complications. They also pledged to finish ongoing talks on linking the U.K. and EU carbon trading systems, as well as a new food and drink (SPS) deal, by the time they meet for an EU-U.K. summit in 2026. The planned meeting, which will take place in Brussels, does not yet have a date but is expected around the same time as this year’s May gathering in London. The announcements give more forward momentum to the “reset,” which faltered earlier this month after failing to reach an agreement on British membership of an EU defense industry financing program, SAFE. The two sides could not agree on the appropriate level of U.K. financial contribution. The pledge to finalize carbon trading (ETS) linkage next year is significant because it will help British businesses avoid a new EU carbon border tax — CBAM — which starts from Jan. 1 2026. While the tax, which charges firms for the greenhouse gas emissions in their products, begins on Jan. 1, payments are not due until 2027, by which time the U.K. is expected to be exempt. But it is not yet clear whether British firms will have to make back payments on previous imports once the deal is secured, and there is no sign of any deal to bridge the gap. WIDENING HORIZONS EU Relations Minister Nick Thomas-Symonds, who negotiated the agreement, said the move was “a huge win for our young people” and would break down barriers and widen horizons so that “everyone, from every background, has the opportunity to study and train abroad.” European Parliament President Roberta Metsola welcomes British Minister for the Constitution and European Union Relations Nick Thomas-Symonds. | Ronald Wittek/EPA “This is about more than just travel: it’s about future skills, academic success, and giving the next generation access to the best possible opportunities,” he said. “Today’s agreements prove that our new partnership with the EU is working. We have focused on the public’s priorities and secured a deal that puts opportunity first.” The expected cost of the U.K.’s membership of the Erasmus+ program in 2027 will be £570 million. Skills Minister Jacqui Smith said Erasmus+ membership is “about breaking down barriers to opportunity, giving learners the chance to build skills, confidence and international experience that employers value.” Liberal Democrat Universities Spokesperson Ian Sollom also welcomed U.K. re-entry into the exchange scheme but said it should be a “first step” in a closer relationship with the EU. “This is a moment of real opportunity and a clear step towards repairing the disastrous Conservative Brexit deal,” he said. “However while this is a welcome breakthrough, it must be viewed as a crucial first step on a clear roadmap to a closer relationship with Europe. Starting with negotiating a bespoke UK-EU customs union, and committing to a youth mobility scheme for benefit of the next generation.”

HELSINKI — Eight EU countries on the front line with Russia demanded Tuesday that Brussels accelerate its upcoming counter-drone and border defense initiatives amid ongoing opposition to the projects by some European capitals. Their call for “immediate prioritization” of two projects proposed by Brussels as part of its plans to make the bloc war-ready by 2030 comes ahead of a crucial summit of the EU’s 27 countries on Thursday that could determine their fate. “Russia remains a threat to Europe today, tomorrow and in the near future,” said Finnish Prime Minister Petteri Orpo, who convened Tuesday’s gathering. “The build-up of European defence will not happen or continue unless we, as states on the EU’s eastern border, make our voices heard.” The two so-called flagship projects, dubbed the Eastern Flank Watch and European Drone Defence Initiative, were first floated by the European Commission in October as part of its “roadmap” to make the EU ready for war with Russia by the end of the decade. Referencing the projects and the bloc’s broader defense plans, Orpo said he was “confident that we will continue this discussion at the upcoming European Council later this week.” But an official from the French Elysée told reporters Tuesday that “discussions on flagship defense projects are not planned” at Thursday’s meeting. Instead, the official added, countries are “organizing ourselves intergovernmentally and through the NATO process.” The initiatives need endorsement from EU leaders before they can be launched early next year. Alongside France, the projects also previously received a lukewarm reception from countries like Germany and Hungary, who see the plans as a potential power grab by Brussels. EU leaders failed to endorse the initiatives at the last summit in October, and so far, have not indicated they would shift their stance, according to draft summit conclusions seen by POLITICO and dated Dec. 16. There was more consensus among the countries attending Tuesday’s summit — Finland, Sweden, Poland, Estonia, Lithuania, Latvia, Romania and Bulgaria — who also agreed the flagship projects should ideally fund ground combat capabilities, drone air and drone defense, border protection efforts and easing military mobility across the bloc. “This is one of the most solid and responsible political formats,” Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk told reporters after the summit. “We have very challenging neighborhood countries and we understand each other really, really perfectly … It means that it’s pretty easy for all of us to cooperate.” FROZEN OUT That display of unity was somewhat overshadowed by one anomaly in the group. Last week, Bulgaria signed a letter, alongside Malta and Italy, voicing its opposition to the EU’s plan to unblock a €210 billion loan for Ukraine drawing on Russia’s frozen assets — a proposal that’s likely to be determined at the meeting of the bloc’s 27 countries on Thursday. In the closed-door meeting of the frontline leaders on Tuesday, Bulgaria’s outgoing Prime Minister Rosen Zhelyazkov remained silent as his counterparts expressed their support for the frozen assets plan, according to a person inside the room, who was granted anonymity to speak freely. But others played down that division. “I’m not frustrated because Bulgaria internally has been in a very difficult situation politically,” Latvian Prime Minister Evika Siliņa said in an interview, referencing the fact Zhelyazkov resigned last week amid mass protests against his government. “It’s good that actually the prime minister came today and showed his unity because it’s important that we can work together,” she told POLITICO. Gabriel Gavin contributed to this report from Brussels.

Europe’s chemical industry has reached a breaking point. The warning lights are no longer blinking — they are blazing. Unless Europe changes course immediately, we risk watching an entire industrial backbone, with the countless jobs it supports, slowly hollow out before our eyes. Consider the energy situation: this year European gas prices have stood at 2.9 times higher than in the United States. What began as a temporary shock is now a structural disadvantage. High energy costs are becoming Europe’s new normal, with no sign of relief. This is not sustainable for an energy-intensive sector that competes globally every day. Without effective infrastructure and targeted energy-cost relief — including direct support, tax credits and compensation for indirect costs from the EU Emissions Trading System (ETS) — we are effectively asking European companies and their workers to compete with their hands tied behind their backs. > Unless Europe changes course immediately, we risk watching an entire > industrial backbone, with the countless jobs it supports, slowly hollow out > before our eyes. The impact is already visible. This year, EU27 chemical production fell by a further 2.5 percent, and the sector is now operating 9.5 percent below pre-crisis capacity. These are not just numbers, they are factories scaling down, investments postponed and skilled workers leaving sites. This is what industrial decline looks like in real time. We are losing track of the number of closures and job losses across Europe, and this is accelerating at an alarming pace. And the world is not standing still. In the first eight months of 2025, EU27 chemicals exports dropped by €3.5 billion, while imports rose by €3.2 billion. The volume trends mirror this: exports are down, imports are up. Our trade surplus shrank to €25 billion, losing €6.6 billion in just one year. Meanwhile, global distortions are intensifying. Imports, especially from China, continue to increase, and new tariff policies from the United States are likely to divert even more products toward Europe, while making EU exports less competitive. Yet again, in 2025, most EU trade defense cases involved chemical products. In this challenging environment, EU trade policy needs to step up: we need fast, decisive action against unfair practices to protect European production against international trade distortions. And we need more free trade agreements to access growth market and secure input materials. “Open but not naïve” must become more than a slogan. It must shape policy. > Our producers comply with the strictest safety and environmental standards in > the world. Yet resource-constrained authorities cannot ensure that imported > products meet those same standards. Europe is also struggling to enforce its own rules at the borders and online. Our producers comply with the strictest safety and environmental standards in the world. Yet resource-constrained authorities cannot ensure that imported products meet those same standards. This weak enforcement undermines competitiveness and safety, while allowing products that would fail EU scrutiny to enter the single market unchecked. If Europe wants global leadership on climate, biodiversity and international chemicals management, credibility starts at home. Regulatory uncertainty adds to the pressure. The Chemical Industry Action Plan recognizes what industry has long stressed: clarity, coherence and predictability are essential for investment. Clear, harmonized rules are not a luxury — they are prerequisites for maintaining any industrial presence in Europe. This is where REACH must be seen for what it is: the world’s most comprehensive piece of legislation governing chemicals. Yet the real issues lie in implementation. We therefore call on policymakers to focus on smarter, more efficient implementation without reopening the legal text. Industry is facing too many headwinds already. Simplification can be achieved without weakening standards, but this requires a clear political choice. We call on European policymakers to restore the investment and profitability of our industry for Europe. Only then will the transition to climate neutrality, circularity, and safe and sustainable chemicals be possible, while keeping our industrial base in Europe. > Our industry is an enabler of the transition to a climate-neutral and circular > future, but we need support for technologies that will define that future. In this context, the ETS must urgently evolve. With enabling conditions still missing, like a market for low-carbon products, energy and carbon infrastructures, access to cost-competitive low-carbon energy sources, ETS costs risk incentivizing closures rather than investment in decarbonization. This may reduce emissions inside the EU, but it does not decarbonize European consumption because production shifts abroad. This is what is known as carbon leakage, and this is not how EU climate policy intends to reach climate neutrality. The system needs urgent repair to avoid serious consequences for Europe’s industrial fabric and strategic autonomy, with no climate benefit. These shortcomings must be addressed well before 2030, including a way to neutralize ETS costs while industry works toward decarbonization. Our industry is an enabler of the transition to a climate-neutral and circular future, but we need support for technologies that will define that future. Europe must ensure that chemical recycling, carbon capture and utilization, and bio-based feedstocks are not only invented here, but also fully scaled here. Complex permitting, fragmented rules and insufficient funding are slowing us down while other regions race ahead. Decarbonization cannot be built on imported technology — it must be built on a strong EU industrial presence. Critically, we must stimulate markets for sustainable products that come with an unavoidable ‘green premium’. If Europe wants low-carbon and circular materials, then fiscal, financial and regulatory policy recipes must support their uptake — with minimum recycled or bio-based content, new value chain mobilizing schemes and the right dose of ‘European preference’. If we create these markets but fail to ensure that European producers capture a fair share, we will simply create new opportunities for imports rather than European jobs. > If Europe wants a strong, innovative resilient chemical industry in 2030 and > beyond, the decisions must be made today. The window is closing fast. The Critical Chemicals Alliance offers a path forward. Its primary goal will be to tackle key issues facing the chemical sector, such as risks of closures and trade challenges, and to support modernization and investments in critical productions. It will ultimately enable the chemical industry to remain resilient in the face of geopolitical threats, reinforcing Europe’s strategic autonomy. But let us be honest: time is no longer on our side. Europe’s chemical industry is the foundation of countless supply chains — from clean energy to semiconductors, from health to mobility. If we allow this foundation to erode, every other strategic ambition becomes more fragile. If you weren’t already alarmed — you should be. This is a wake-up call. Not for tomorrow, for now. Energy support, enforceable rules, smart regulation, strategic trade policies and demand-driven sustainability are not optional. They are the conditions for survival. If Europe wants a strong, innovative resilient chemical industry in 2030 and beyond, the decisions must be made today. The window is closing fast. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Disclaimer POLITICAL ADVERTISEMENT * The sponsor is CEFIC- The European Chemical Industry Council  * The ultimate controlling entity is CEFIC- The European Chemical Industry Council  More information here.

-------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Disclaimer POLITICAL ADVERTISEMENT * The sponsor is BMW Group * The advertisement is linked to policy advocacy around the Draghi report, the Union of Skills, the EU Green Deal, the Life Cycle Assessment, the Critical Raw Materials Act, the Net-Zero Industry Act and the CBAM. More information here

LONDON — Keir Starmer is promising British voters he’ll fix the Brexit-shaped hole in the U.K. economy, but Brussels appears to have quite enough on its plate. Days after Britain’s grim growth prospects were laid bare in the U.K. budget, the country’s PM gave two speeches promising closer ties with the European Union and elevated his EU point person, Nick Thomas-Symonds, to the Cabinet. “We have to keep moving towards a closer relationship with the EU, and we have to be grown-up about that, to accept that that will require trade-offs,” Starmer said on Monday.   But European leaders are already grappling with packed in-trays as they look for an end to Russia’s war in Ukraine and confront their own domestic economic challenges — and skepticism remains as to how much room for maneuver the British PM actually has.  Starmer’s political red lines — no customs union, no single market, and no return to freedom of movement — remain in place, and ministers continue to stress that a return to full EU membership remains off the table. Even Starmer’s existing EU “reset” agenda — which aims to walk back some of the harder edges of Boris Johnson’s Brexit settlement — is not all going to plan. A push to join the EU’s SAFE loans-for-arms scheme crashed last week after the two sides failed to agree on how much money the U.K. would pay. “The same ‘how much should the U.K. contribute?’ question has been slowing down the actual implementation of basically all the reset topics,” said one EU diplomat who was not authorized to speak on the record. Despite plenty of talk in London about closer ties, the forum for putting fresh topics on the agenda would be the EU-U.K. summit that is due next year. But a date has yet to be set for that gathering. “Nobody is talking about the next summit here yet. I’m not saying it isn’t going to happen, it’s just a question of bandwidth,” another EU diplomat said. “For us the focus now is to work through our existing commitments and finalize those deals, start implementing them and then showing that the deals are bringing value. That takes time,” a third diplomat said. LIMITED SCOPE  The problem for Starmer is that his existing plan to rebuild EU ties is unlikely to move the dial on U.K. economic growth. Economists at the Centre for European Reform reckon that the government’s reset package — if delivered in full — is worth somewhere between 0.3 percent and 0.7 per cent of U.K. GDP over a decade.   Meanwhile, academics at the Bank of England and Stanford University calculate that the economic hit from Brexit could be as high as 8 percent of GDP over a similar period. “It is striking how frequently the chancellor and prime minister will now lament the costs of Brexit, without making any suggestions on how to change the status quo,” said Joël Reland, research fellow at the U.K. In A Changing Europe think tank.  “This could be read as a slow creep towards a breach of their red lines, but I suspect it is mostly about domestic political management. They are in a sticky economic situation and Brexit is a convenient thing to blame. I don’t think they’d be brave enough to risk a manifesto breach on Brexit, but I’d be surprised if ‘no single market or customs union’ is in the 2029 manifesto,” Reland said.  One British government official stressed that Labour’s red lines remain in place — but added: “We don’t think we’re at those red lines yet.”  BREAKING THE TABOO  Labour’s previous reluctance to talk about Brexit was born of a fear of upsetting Leave-leaning swing voters whom the party wanted to win over in the last election.  But that started to change over the summer.  Thomas-Symonds, the minister in charge of delivering the reset, went on the attack in a speech hosted by the Spectator, a right-wing magazine. Parties pledging to reverse Starmer’s reset were offering “more red tape, mountains of paperwork, and a bureaucratic burden,” he argued. To the surprise of Downing Street aides, the attacks landed well and drew a line between the government’s agenda and that of Reform UK boss Nigel Farage — the longstanding Brexiteer dominating in the polls — and Conservative Leader Kemi Badenoch.  It emboldened Starmer and his lieutenants. Rachel Reeves, the U.K.’s chief finance minister, used her speech at the Labour Party conference in Liverpool to talk up the benefits of improved cross-border mobility for the economy.   Ahead of last week’s difficult budget stuffed with tax rises, she waded in further, damning the effects of a “chaotic Brexit.” While the new rhetoric has yet to be backed up by a shift in policy, there are signs that some of Starmer’s close allies are starting to think bigger.  Rejoining the EU customs union was reportedly raised as an option by Starmer’s economic advisor ahead of the budget — but was rejected. “There are definitely people who have been pushing at this for a long time,” one person with knowledge of conversations in government said.  “I don’t think that will be that surprising to people, because if your primary goal allegedly is growth then that’s one of the easiest levers you can pull. Most economists would agree — it’s the politics that’s stopping it.”  Pressed on the prospect of Britain’s applying to rejoin the customs union on Wednesday, Health Secretary Wes Streeting did not explicitly rule out the idea but stressed the government’s policy was about “new partnerships and new relationships, not relitigating the past.” If Starmer opts for a risky manifesto-busting push to rejoin the customs union, diplomats say even that is unlikely to be a quick fix for the British PM.  “It would take time. Just consider how slow has been so far the progress on SPS, ETS and Erasmus,” the first diplomat quoted above said. “As of now, the U.K. needs the EU to spur its growth, not the other way around.”

A large part of Airbus’s global fleet was grounded after the European airplane maker discovered a technical malfunction linked to solar radiation in its A320 family of aircraft. The European Union Aviation Safety Agency announced on Friday evening that it was temporarily pausing flights on certain Airbus planes after a JetBlue flight from Florida to Mexico had to make an emergency landing after a sudden loss of altitude. Media reports indicate that some 15 people were hospitalized after the incident. Airbus said in a statement late Friday that it had identified an issue with its workhorse A320 planes. “Intense solar radiation may corrupt data critical to the functioning of flight controls,” it said, adding that it had “identified a significant number” of affected aircraft. A number of airlines around Europe announced that they were affected, including Lufthansa, Swiss and Austrian Airlines. Brussels Airlines said that none of its flights was impacted. Sara Ricci, communications chief for Airbus’s commercial aircraft division, said that some 6,000 aircraft were affected, but that for 85 percent of the impacted aircraft, it would be a “quick fix” to the planes’ software. “The vast majority will be back in the sky very soon,” Ricci said.

Disclaimer: POLITICAL ADVERTISEMENT * The sponsor is Polish Electricity Association (PKEE) * The advertisement is linked to policy advocacy on energy transition, electricity market design, and industrial competitiveness in the EU. More information here The European Union is entering a decisive decade for its energy transformation. With the international race for clean technologies accelerating, geopolitical tensions reshaping markets and competition from other major global economies intensifying, how the EU approaches the transition will determine its economic future. If managed strategically, the EU can drive competitiveness, growth and resilience. If mismanaged, Europe risks losing its industrial base, jobs and global influence.  > If managed strategically, the EU can drive competitiveness, growth and > resilience. If mismanaged, Europe risks losing its industrial base, jobs and > global influence. This message resonated strongly during PKEE Energy Day 2025, held in Brussels on October 14, which brought together more than 350 European policymakers, industry leaders and experts under the theme “Secure, competitive and clean: is Europe delivering on its energy promise?”. One conclusion was clear: the energy transition must serve the economy, not the other way around.  Laurent Louis Photography for PKEE The power sector: the backbone of Europe’s industrial future  The future of European competitiveness will be shaped by its power sector. Without a successful transformation of electricity generation and distribution, other sectors — from steel and chemicals to mobility and digital — will fail to decarbonize. This point was emphasized by Konrad Wojnarowski, Poland’s deputy minister of energy, who described electricity as “vital to development and competitiveness.”  “Transforming Poland’s energy sector is a major technological and financial challenge — but we are on the right track,” he said. “Success depends on maintaining the right pace of change and providing strong support for innovation.” Wojnarowski also underlined that only close cooperation between governments, industry and academia can create the conditions for a secure, competitive and sustainable energy future.  Flexibility: the strategic enabler  The shift to a renewables-based system requires more than capacity additions — it demands a fundamental redesign of how electricity is produced, managed and consumed. Dariusz Marzec, president of the Polish Electricity Association (PKEE) and CEO of PGE Polska Grupa Energetyczna, called flexibility “the Holy Grail of the power sector.”  Speaking at the event, Marzec also stated “It’s not about generating electricity continuously, regardless of demand. It’s about generating it when it’s needed and making the price attractive. Our mission, as part of the European economy, is to strengthen competitiveness and ensure energy security for all consumers – not just to pursue climate goals for their own sake. Without a responsible approach to the transition, many industries could relocate outside Europe.”  The message is clear: the clean energy shift must balance environmental ambition with economic reality. Europe cannot afford to treat decarbonization as an isolated goal — it must integrate it into a broader industrial strategy.  > The message is clear: the clean energy shift must balance environmental > ambition with economic reality. The next decade will define success  While Europe’s climate neutrality target for 2050 remains a cornerstone of EU policy, the next five to ten years will determine whether the continent remains globally competitive. Grzegorz Lot, CEO of TAURON Polska Energia and vice-president of PKEE, warned that technology is advancing too quickly for policymakers to rely solely on long-term milestones.  “Technology is evolving too fast to think of the transition only in terms of 2050. Our strategy is to act now — over the next year, five years, or decade,” Lot said. He pointed to the expected sharp decline in coal consumption over the next three years and called for immediate investment in proven technologies, particularly onshore wind.  Lot also raised concerns about structural barriers. “Today, around 30 percent of the price of electricity is made up of taxes. If we want affordable energy and a competitive economy, this must change,” he argued.  Consumers and regulation: the overlooked pillars  A successful energy transition cannot rely solely on investment and infrastructure. It also depends on regulatory stability and consumer participation. “Maintaining competitiveness requires not only investment in green technologies but also a stable regulatory environment and active consumer engagement,” Lot said.  He highlighted the potential of dynamic tariffs, which incentivize demand-side flexibility. “Customers who adjust their consumption to market conditions can pay below the regulated price level. If we want cheap energy, we must learn to follow nature — consuming and storing electricity when the sun shines or the wind blows.”  Strategic investments for resilience  The energy transition is more than a climate necessity. It is a strategic requirement for Europe’s security and economic autonomy. Marek Lelątko, vice-president of Enea, stressed that customer- and market-oriented investment is essential. “We are investing in renewables, modern gas-fired units and energy storage because they allow us to ensure supply stability, affordable prices and greater energy security,” he said.  Grzegorz Kinelski, CEO of Enea and vice-president of PKEE, added: “We must stay on the fast track we are already on. Investments in renewables, storage and CCGT [combined cycle gas turbine] units will not only enhance energy security but also support economic growth and help keep energy prices affordable for Polish consumers.”  The power sector must now be recognized as a strategic enabler of Europe’s industrial future — on par with semiconductors, critical raw materials and defense. As Dariusz Marzec puts it: “The energy transition is not a choice — it is a necessity. But its success will determine more than whether we meet climate targets. It will decide whether Europe remains competitive, prosperous and economically independent in a rapidly changing world.”  > The power sector must now be recognized as a strategic enabler of Europe’s > industrial future — on par with semiconductors, critical raw materials and > defense. Measurable progress, but more is needed  Progress is visible. The power sector accounts for around 30 percent of EU emissions but has already delivered 75 percent of all Emissions Trading System reductions. By 2025, 72 percent of Europe’s electricity will come from low-carbon sources, while fossil fuels will fall to a historic low of 28 percent. And in Poland, in June, renewable energy generation overtook coal for the first time in history.  Still, ambition alone is not enough. In his closing remarks, Marcin Laskowski, vice-president of PKEE and executive vice-president for regulatory affairs at PGE Polska Grupa Energetyczna, stressed the link between the power sector and Europe’s broader economic transformation. “The EU’s economic transformation will only succeed if the energy transition succeeds — safely, sustainably and with attractive investment conditions,” he said. “It is the power sector that must deliver solutions to decarbonize industries such as steel, chemicals and food production.”  A collective European project  The event in Brussels — with the participation of many high-level speakers, including Mechthild Wörsdörfer, deputy director general of DG ENER; Tsvetelina Penkova, member of the European Parliament and vice-chair of the Committee on Industry, Research and Energy; Thomas Pellerin-Carlin, member of the European Parliament; Catherine MacGregor; CEO of ENGIE and vice-president of Eurelectric; and Claude Turmes, former minister of energy of Luxembourg — highlighted a common understanding: the energy transition is not an isolated environmental policy, it is a strategic industrial project. Its success will depend on coordinated action across EU institutions, national governments and industry, as well as predictable regulation and financing.  Europe’s ability to remain competitive, resilient and prosperous will hinge on whether its power sector is treated not as a cost to be managed, but as a foundation to be strengthened. The next decade is a window of opportunity — and the choices made today will shape Europe’s economic landscape for decades to come. 

Slovak police on Thursday said the new amendment to a traffic law that sets a maximum permitted speed on sidewalks in urban areas does not apply to pedestrians. Several local and international media, including POLITICO, earlier reported that the law — which sets a limit of 6 kilometers per hour — will apply to pedestrians as well. “I must clarify that this is not true,” police Vice President Rastislav Polakovič told Slovak media. “The rule is intended for people using roller skates, scooters, skateboards, skis, or similar sports equipment, as well as cyclists up to 10 years old, including their escorts. The measurements should focus on these groups.” The initial announcement sparked a wave of amusement and confusion on social media, with some internet users wondering whether running to catch a bus could get them fined. The legislation that was updated by the new amendment applies to various sidewalk users. The measure, which will enter into force on Jan. 1, 2026, was introduced to avoid collisions on the sidewalks. “The main goal is to increase safety on sidewalks in light of the increasing number of collisions with scooter riders,” said the author of the amendment, Ľubomír Vážny of the leftist-populist Smer party of Prime Minister Robert Fico, which is part of the ruling coalition. The change drew backlash from the opposition, NGOs and political scientists. “In the Czech Republic, this issue is addressed by banning scooters and e-bikes on sidewalks, while the Slovak approach has led to a rather bizarre piece of legislation,” political scientist Lubomír Kopeček at the Masaryk University in Brno told POLITICO. The cyclist advocacy group Cyklokoalícia (Cycling Coalition) said the legislation is problematic because it pushes children under the age of 10 — who are now allowed to cycle on pavements — into the road.

ANTWERP — U.S. homeland security chief Kristi Noem arrived at the port of Antwerp on Wednesday to pledge American support toward smashing narco gangs, as drug-fueled violence plagues Belgium. U.S. President Donald Trump is taking drastic international action to target cartels — including a controversial strike that blew up an alleged Venezuelan drug boat — and designated them as foreign terrorist organizations immediately after taking office. “Ports here, like this one, are a crime target for foreign terrorist organizations,” Noem said during a press conference following a meeting with Belgian Prime Minister Bart De Wever. “The U.S. understands that we need to be aggressive in fighting these organizations and we want to partner with you in an even greater way to do so into the future.” The port of Antwerp is one of Europe’s main gateways for illicit drug shipments, and Noem and De Wever were on site to discuss boosting cooperation between Belgium and the U.S. in the fight against narcotics trafficking. Noem, a longtime conservative ally of Trump, noted that the collaborative action will involve sharing data and security information, and dealing with shipping companies. Talking to media ahead of the meeting, De Wever said the U.S. side requested the meeting, and he saw it “as a sign of appreciation for years of [his] global lobbying.” “I think Europe should focus a lot more on European cooperation on one hand, and on cooperation with our friends in the United States in order to crush the business model of organized crime. We must do this because drug criminals know no borders at all,” said De Wever, a Flemish nationalist who spent more than ten years as mayor of Antwerp before becoming Belgian prime minister. Both the U.S. and Belgium have faced an epidemic of drug trafficking and narcotics-related violence, and authorities have struggled to get to grips with the problem. The Belgian port city of Antwerp, which in the first quarter of 2025 overtook Rotterdam in container output, has witnessed a stark increase in drug-related shootings and explosions amid the surging drug traffic. Belgian authorities seized a record 121 metric tons of cocaine at the port in 2023, according to customs statistics released by police. Drug violence has gripped Brussels too, culminating in about 60 shootings this year alone. The government is currently mulling deploying soldiers on the streets by the end of the year to deter criminals. Across the Atlantic, the U.S. has been struggling with fentanyl, a synthetic drug estimated to be 50 times stronger than heroin. Former U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken warned in 2023 that Europe will soon have to deal with the same problem. According to estimates from the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, nearly 80,000 people died from drug overdoses in 2024, a significant decrease from the 110,000 deaths recorded the previous year. “There’s a plague of fentanyl traffic that is spreading around the world,” said Noem, adding that “we need to stop it and work together so that we have the ability to use our experience in America to help Europe.” She then switched out of her high heels to go inside a shipping container to inspect Belgium’s new drug-scanning technology, before accompanying De Wever on a helicopter tour around the port.

Rival political movements debating the future of New Caledonia announced a deal Saturday morning to create a new state — but one not fully independent from France. The pro- and anti- independence factions in the French territory concluded talks in Bougival, on the outskirts of Paris, with a compromise that would grant New Caledonia new autonomy — potentially giving the territory a chance to move forward from violent upheavals last year.  French Prime Minister François Bayrou called it “an agreement of historic significance” in a post on X. He hailed the agreement for a “unique organization” of a new state of New Caledonia inside France’s “national framework” and enshrined in the French constitution.  Residents of the Pacific archipelago and former French penal colony have long been divided over its future. French descendants want Paris to maintain power, while the indigenous Kanak people seek self-determination.  In May last year, unrest broke out after the French parliament proposed a change to the electoral role that would weaken the political power of the pro-independence movement.  Les Nouvelles Calédoniennes reported that the deal — the text of which had not been released at the time of publication — allowed for the creation of a New Caledonian nationality, which would mean islanders could become dual nationals, and for the transfer to New Caledonia of the competence for international relations. The deal now faces a referendum in New Caledonia and a vote in the French parliament. In a statement, French loyalist groups noted the deal involved “concessions from all parties.” They said it would create “a New Caledonian nationality inseparable from French nationality.” The deal also includes commitments from France to assist in economic development, notably in the country’s strategically important nickel sector, the loyalists noted. French Justice Minister Gérald Darmanin said on X that the deal would give New Caledonia “expanded powers, an unfrozen electorate, and possible international recognition.” Sonia Backes, the leader of the majority loyalist South Province of New Caledonia, said: “This New Caledonian nationality takes nothing away from us: neither from our belonging to the Republic nor from our French nationality.”