EU PARLIAMENT’S MOST TOXIC DUO BRINGS TROUBLE FOR VON DER LEYEN Social Democrat chief Iratxe García and center-right boss Manfred Weber’s dire relationship is Brussels’ worst-kept secret. By MAX GRIERA in Brussels Illustration by Natália Delgado/ POLITICO A confrontation six years ago poisoned a relationship at the heart of the EU that remains toxic to this day. Manfred Weber, the powerful German head of the center-right European People’s Party, the largest political family in Europe, knew something was wrong when Iratxe García walked into his office shortly after the 2019 EU election. García, a Spanish MEP who leads the center-left Socialists and Democrats group in the Parliament, was accompanied by Romanian former liberal chief Dacian Cioloș. The pair told Weber that they wouldn’t support his bid to become president of the European Commission, despite the Parliament’s longstanding position that the head of the party receiving the most votes in the election should get the job. While Cioloș is long gone from the EU political scene, García and Weber remain in post — and the animosity between them has only grown, especially now that the EPP is aligning with the far right to pass legislation.  García’s move killed Weber’s Commission ambitions, souring relations between the two and threatening Commission chief Ursula von der Leyen’s ability to deliver her second-term agenda, as she needs the support of senior MEPs to pass legislation. The pair are like “two toxic exes who had a good relationship, but Weber cheated on García with the far right, and this makes it hard for the Socialists,” said Manon Aubry, co-chair of The Left group in the Parliament. Today, the dire relationship between Weber and García is the talk of the town. For decades, the EPP and S&D — the two largest political families in Europe — have worked hand in hand to provide stable majorities in the Parliament, including backing a second term for von der Leyen at a time of unprecedented crises facing the bloc. Now that stability is in doubt. POLITICO spoke to 12 officials and lawmakers who are or have been close to the pair. Some say the problem is personal, while others blame politics and argue that anyone in their position would have the same relationship issues. “Weber and García have become a problem for von der Leyen,” said a senior Commission official, granted anonymity to speak freely, as were others in this piece. That’s because disagreements between their two groups could lead to less predictable voting in the Parliament, as happened in November with the simplification bill on green reporting rules for businesses, when the EPP sided with the far right rather than with the centrists. Tensions have also spilled toward von der Leyen herself, with García accusing her of “buying into Trump’s agenda” by pushing deregulation. Center-left MEPs have urged the Commission president to rein in Weber over his cooperation with the far right. RELATIONSHIP TAKES A DOWNTURN Verbal attacks in the Parliament’s hemicycle, tensions over Spanish politics, opposing views on the EU’s green ambitions and migration policy, and the fact that the EPP is voting for laws with the far right have eroded what started as a promising relationship. Weber “will never get over the big treason when Iratxe backstabbed him on the Commission presidency,” said a senior EPP MEP. “Everyone needs to stay calm and keep emotions out of it,” said a senior Socialist MEP, noting that many lawmakers, including commissioners, often express concern about the emotional undertones of the relationship. Manfred Weber “will never get over the big treason when Iratxe backstabbed him on the Commission presidency,” said a senior EPP MEP. | Filip Singer/EPA Publicly, both insist relations are just fine. “I really appreciate the strong leadership of Iratxe, she’s a tough representative,” Weber told POLITICO, describing the relationship as in a “great state.” “I can confirm that we have good and regular talks to each other, but we also see our different political positioning,” he added. García also played down the perceived friction, saying the pair have a “working relationship” and “try to understand each other,” while stressing that despite their differences, it is “much more normalized than you might think from the outside.” The reality, according to MEPs and staffers close to the pair, is that six years of working side by side have eroded trust. Weber sees García as incapable of delivering on her promises due to the S&D’s internal divisions and weakness, as it has lost power and influence across Europe; García views Weber as power-hungry and willing to empower the far right at the expense of the center. PERSONAL ATTACKS In her September 2025 State of the Union address, von der Leyen tried to bridge the widening rifts between the EPP and the Socialists by giving policy wins to both sides and calling for unity. But her efforts came to nothing as Weber and García exchanged personal attacks on the hemicycle floor, each blaming the other for the instability of the pro-European coalition. Weber accused Garcia and the Socialists of “harming the European agenda.” During her remarks, the S&D chief shot back: “You know who is responsible for the fact that this pro-European alliance … does not work in this Parliament? It has a name and surname. It is called Manfred Weber.” The exchange reflected a relationship under strain, as the EPP pushed deregulation, weaker green rules, and a crackdown on migration backed by far-right votes after the 2024 election shifted the Parliament to the right. Sidelined by that new math, the Socialists have increasingly felt alienated and have hardened their attacks on von der Leyen for embracing a right-wing deregulation agenda, and on Weber for empowering the far right in general. “The only way for Iratxe to survive is to be more aggressive with EPP and with Manfred,” said a former centrist lawmaker, who argued that García is leaning on rhetoric to rally her base as concrete wins are in such short supply. For his part, Weber is unapologetic about sidelining traditional centrist allies, arguing that the end — tackling policy issues the far right has weaponized against the EU, notably migration and overregulation — justifies the means. “He could not be Commission president so he has been pushing to be a power broker from the Parliament, which means he needs to show he can push for whatever EPP wants, which includes using the far right,” a second senior EPP MEP said of Weber. BETRAYAL Weber and García started their collaboration after the election in 2019, when the latter was chosen as the group leader of S&D after serving as an MEP since 2004 and chair of the committee on women’s rights between 2014 and 2019. For the first two years they were united in their goals of delivering on the Green Deal and addressing the Covid-19 pandemic, but the relationship began to deteriorate in the second half of the term. In a mid-term reshuffle of the Parliament’s top posts, Weber struck a backroom deal with the liberals of Renew and The Left to keep the powerful position of the Parliament’s secretary-general in the hands of the EPP. García had wanted the job for S&D because the previous secretary-general was from the EPP, as is Roberta Metsola, who was about to become the Parliament’s president. Ursula von der Leyen tried to bridge the widening rifts between the EPP and the Socialists by giving policy wins to both sides and calling for unity. | Ronald Wittek/EPA “This was a moment of tension because she really thought she would get it … she took it very personally,” said the senior Socialist MEP. “Her position in the group was also affected by that; she got a lot of criticism.” Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez’s reelection in 2023 further strained relations. Weber has for years been betting on the fall of Sánchez, backing Spain’s EPP-aligned opposition (the People’s Party, or PP) and giving them free rein in the Parliament to attack the Spanish Socialist Party, knowing that the EPP would be boosted with an EPP party in power in Madrid. “He does everything the People’s Party wants,” said a liberal Parliament official, who added that “every time Spain is on the agenda, it becomes a nightmare, everyone screaming.” The most recent example came in November, when the EPP sided with far-right groups to cancel a parliamentary visit to Italy to monitor the rule of law in the country, while approving one to Spain — sparking an outcry from García, whom EPP MEPs frame as Sánchez’s lieutenant in Brussels. “It generates a toxic dynamic,” echoed the first senior EPP MEP. BREAKING POINT The Spanish issue came to the fore during the 2024 hearings for commissioners, when MEPs grill prospective office-holders to see if they are up to the task. Under pressure from his Spanish peers, Weber and the EPP went in hard on Sánchez’s deputy Teresa Ribera, blaming her for deadly floods in Valencia in October 2024. While the EPP wanted to take down Ribera, the Socialists hoped to make life difficult for Italy’s Raffaele Fitto, who was put forward by Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni. While Fitto is not from the EPP (he’s from the European Conservatives and Reformists), his nomination was supported by Weber. In the end, the S&D went easier on Fitto in order to save Ribera from further attacks. After weeks of tensions — with both Weber and García visibly furious and blasting each other in briefings to the press — both Ribera and Fitto were confirmed as commissioners. The struggle highlighted that the old alliance between the EPP and the S&D was cracking, with Weber snubbing García and instead teaming up with the far right.   While they still meet to coordinate parliamentary business — often alongside Renew leader Valérie Hayer and von der Leyen — the partnership is far less effective than before. “It’s very clear they’re no longer running Parliament the way they used to,” said The Left’s Aubry. The breakdown has injected instability into the Parliament, with the once well-oiled duo no longer pre-cooking decisions, making outcomes more unpredictable. Aubry said meetings of group leaders used to take place with a deal already struck — “political theater,” as she put it. “Now we walk in and don’t know where we’ll end up,” Aubry added. “While they get along personally, the results of that cooperation are not that good,” said the second EPP MEP, adding that the alliance between the EPP and the S&D has “not really delivered.” LOOKING AHEAD TO YET MORE BATTLES The next reshuffle of top Parliament jobs is in 2027, and Weber and García are already haggling over who will get to nominate the next Parliament president. The EPP is expected to try to push for Metsola getting a third term, but the Socialists claim it’s their turn per a power-sharing agreement after the 2024 election. Officials from the EPP deny such an agreement exists while officials from Renew and the S&D say it does, although no one could show POLITICO any documentation. The EPP is expected to try to push for Roberta Metsola getting a third term, but the Socialists claim it’s their turn per a power-sharing agreement after the 2024 election. | Ronald Wittek/EPA That’s a major headache for García. The S&D’s Italian and German delegations are itching to get leadership positions, and if the Parliament presidency is off the table they could try to replace her as party chief. With tensions simmering, one Parliament official close to the pair half-joked that García and Weber should settle things over an after-work drink — but it seems the détente will have to wait. “I’d definitely go for a drink,” Weber said with a nervous laugh before noting that both are “so busy” it probably won’t happen. García, also laughing, was even less committal: “I’ve become a real homebody. I don’t go out for drinks anymore.”

President Donald Trump threatened that Venezuelan Vice President Delcy Rodriguez will “pay a very big price” if she doesn’t “do what’s right” and cooperate with U.S. intervention into the country following the attack and capture of Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro. Trump told The Atlantic on Sunday that Rodriguez could face a fate similar to Maduro, who is being detained in federal prison in New York on narcoterrorism and drug trafficking charges, if she doesn’t align with U.S. interests. “If she doesn’t do what’s right, she is going to pay a very big price, probably bigger than Maduro,” Trump said. The comment marks a stark reversal from Trump’s praise of Rodriguez in a press conference Saturday following the attack. The president said U.S. officials had spoken with Rodriguez, and reported that “she’s essentially willing to do what we think is necessary to make Venezuela great again.” Throughout Saturday’s press conference, Trump said that U.S. officials would “run” Venezuela until a democratic transition of power can be achieved. The president declined to offer a timeline on when that may occur. Shortly after Trump’s press conference, Rodriguez — a hand-picked Maduro ally — insisted that Maduro remains at the head of Venezuela’s government despite his capture, called the U.S. intervention into the country “an atrocity that violates international law,” and said Venezuela is “ready to defend our natural resources.” Trump left the door open Saturday to U.S. troops reentering Venezuela if needed, and told The Atlantic on Sunday he views rebuilding the country as “not a bad thing in Venezuela’s case.” In contrast, Secretary of State Marco Rubio downplayed Rodriguez’s fiery comments, saying the administration’s next steps in Venezuela depend on how Rodriguez reacts to what the U.S. wants from Venezuela. “We’re not going to judge moving forward based simply on what’s said in press conferences. We want to see action here at the end of the day,” Rubio told ABC’s “This Week” on Sunday. “There’s a lot of different reasons why people go on TV and say certain things in these countries, especially 15 hours or 12 hours after the person who used to be in charge of the regime is now in handcuffs and on his way to New York.” Sen. Tom Cotton (R-Ark.), a Trump ally who has advocated for military interventions abroad in the past, branded Rodriguez as an illegitimate ruler and called for a U.S.-backed rebuild of the Venezuelan government. “We don’t recognize Delcy Rodriguez as the legitimate ruler of Venezuela,” Cotton told CNN’s “State of the Union” on Sunday. “They have control of the military and security services. We have to deal with that fact, but that does not make them a legitimate leader.” “What we want is a future Venezuelan government that will be pro-American, that will contribute to stability, order and prosperity, not only in Venezuela, but in our own backyard,” he added.

Only a few days ago, President Donald Trump lashed out at Europe in an interview with POLITICO as a “decaying” group of countries with “weak” leaders. In public at least, it didn’t ruffle European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen. “I have always had a very good working relationship with the presidents of the United States, and this is also the case today,” von der Leyen said in an interview at this year’s POLITICO 28 event. “From the bottom of my heart, I’m a convinced transatlanticist.” Now in her second term leading the EU’s lawmaking body, von der Leyen also acknowledged that Europe’s relationship with the United States is in flux, and not just because of Trump. “Of course, our relationship to the United States has changed. Why? Because we are changing,” she said. “And this is so important that we keep in mind: What is our position? What is our strength? Let’s work on these. Let’s take pride in that. Let’s stand up for a unified Europe.” The question of European unity is front of mind as Russia’s war on Ukraine grinds on and Trump pushes harder for Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy to accept a peace deal. In her interview with POLITICO, von der Leyen emphasized the need for a “just and lasting peace” with real security guarantees. “This peace agreement should be such a solid peace agreement that it does not sow the seeds for the next conflict immediately,” she said. The Russian threat also goes beyond Ukraine, of course. How long until Europe is fully able to defend itself? “That’s a good question,” von der Leyen said. “We have not the luxury of time.” This conversation has been edited for length and clarity. I want to start with a question very much on the minds of the people in this room: Will there be a funding agreement by next week for Ukraine to keep the fight up against Russia? We’re working intensively towards a just and lasting peace. And I emphasize “just and lasting” because this peace agreement should be such a solid peace agreement that it does not sow the seeds for the next conflict immediately. In a new interview, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen discusses Russia’s war on Ukraine and Trump’s challenge to Europe. European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen gestures as she delivers a major state of the union speech at the European Parliament in Strasbourg, France, earlier this month. Only a few days ago, President Donald Trump lashed out at Europe in an interview with POLITICO as a “decaying” group of countries with “weak” leaders. In public at least, it didn’t ruffle European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen. “I have always had a very good working relationship with the presidents of the United States, and this is also the case today,” von der Leyen said in an interview at this year’s POLITICO 28 event. “From the bottom of my heart, I’m a convinced transatlanticist.” Now in her second term leading the EU’s lawmaking body, von der Leyen also acknowledged that Europe’s relationship with the United States is in flux, and not just because of Trump. “Of course, our relationship to the United States has changed. Why? Because we are changing,” she said. “And this is so important that we keep in mind: What is our position? What is our strength? Let’s work on these. Let’s take pride in that. Let’s stand up for a unified Europe.” The question of European unity is front of mind as Russia’s war on Ukraine grinds on and Trump pushes harder for Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy to accept a peace deal. In her interview with POLITICO, von der Leyen emphasized the need for a “just and lasting peace” with real security guarantees. “This peace agreement should be such a solid peace agreement that it does not sow the seeds for the next conflict immediately,” she said. The Russian threat also goes beyond Ukraine, of course. How long until Europe is fully able to defend itself? “That’s a good question,” von der Leyen said. “We have not the luxury of time.” This conversation has been edited for length and clarity. I want to start with a question very much on the minds of the people in this room: Will there be a funding agreement by next week for Ukraine to keep the fight up against Russia? We’re working intensively towards a just and lasting peace. And I emphasize “just and lasting” because this peace agreement should be such a solid peace agreement that it does not sow the seeds for the next conflict immediately.

BRUSSELS — The European Commission is in talks with eight of Europe’s top investors to involve them in a fund to support homegrown companies working on critical technologies. Representatives from the private investors are in Brussels on Tuesday to discuss their involvement, according to a planning note seen by POLITICO. The fund has been in the works since the spring and will combine EU money with private investment to fill a late-stage financing gap for European tech startups — buying stakes to support companies ranging from artificial intelligence to quantum. It could range from €3 billion to €5 billion, depending on how much investors contribute. The investors invited to meet with the Commission on Tuesday are Danish investment company Novo Holdings, the Export and Investment Fund of Denmark, Spanish CriteriaCaixa and Santander, Italian Intesa Sanpaolo, Dutch pension fund APG Asset Management, Swedish Wallenberg Investments, and Polish Development Bank Gospodarstwa Krajowego, according to the planning note. The fund will focus on “strategic and enabling technologies,” the note read, including advanced materials, clean energy, artificial intelligence, semiconductors, quantum technology, robotics, space and medical technologies. The Commission is seeking to address the issue of companies struggling to scale in Europe. Many turn to investors from the U.S. or elsewhere for late-stage financing, after which they often relocate. The goal of the fund is to make sure that startups that have completed their early funding rounds can “secure scaleup financing while maintaining their headquarters and core activities in Europe,” the note said.  The fund follows an earlier effort to take direct equity stakes in companies through the European Innovation Council Fund. Investments under the EIC Fund are capped at €30 million, while the new fund would invest €100 million or more. The fund will launch in April. Other investors could still come in at a later date. In November, the Commission plans to begin the search for an investment adviser — a process that should be wrapped up by January, according to the planning note.

BRUSSELS — An EU plan to sanction Israel’s government ministers and cut back on trade ties has been put on ice as a leading group of member countries believes it’s no longer necessary in light of the U.S.-brokered peace agreement to end the war in Gaza. The original push is now unlikely to find sufficient support at meetings of foreign ministers and EU leaders this month, according to four European diplomats, granted anonymity to speak to POLITICO about the closed-door talks. An agreement among all 27 capitals would be needed to impose the penalties, and despite growing pressure on the EU to act, the deal announced by U.S. President Donald Trump has divided national governments on the way forward. Separate measures to restrict trade could be introduced with the backing of a smaller group of countries, but this too now looks unlikely, according to the diplomats. European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen used her State of the Union address in September to announce she would move to blacklist “extremist ministers,” impose restrictions on violent West Bank settlers and pause bilateral payments to Israel. Those proposals are due to be discussed at a Foreign Affairs Council in Luxembourg on Oct. 20 and a summit of leaders in Brussels on Oct. 23. Despite that, draft documents reveal that no consensus has yet been achieved. In comments to POLITICO, Belgian Foreign Minister Maxime Prévot — whose country has been pushing for a tougher stance on Israel — said it was “regrettable” the EU had taken more than two years to present measures. “The credibility of the EU’s foreign policy has been seriously shaken,” he said. “For many citizens, it is still difficult to understand why the EU is incapable of taking firm decisions.” Germany, Hungary and a handful of other delegations have consistently opposed the implementation of sanctions, even though there has been broad agreement at the political level and a joint EU declaration backing steps against settlers accused of human rights breaches. In the wake of the announcement that Hamas and Israel had “signed off on the first phase” of a pact to end the war, European Commission spokesperson Paula Pinho this week hinted the bloc could change its stance. The sanctions were “proposed in a given context, and if the context changes, that could eventually lead to a change of the proposal,” she said. According to the diplomats who spoke to POLITICO, the Commission currently doesn’t intend to withdraw the plan even if the prospect of a lasting ceasefire has cast it into uncertainty.

The European Parliament will debate and then vote on two no-confidence motions in Ursula von der Leyen during its plenary session of Oct. 6-9, according to an internal email from Parliament President Roberta Metsola, seen by POLITICO. Two political groups — the far-right Patriots for Europe and The Left — filed separate no-confidence motions in the European Commission president at midnight on Sept. 10, the earliest opportunity they could do so under parliamentary rules. The Patriots filed their motion 20 seconds before The Left, two officials said.  The moves came just hours after von der Leyen delivered her landmark State of the Union address at the Parliament in Strasbourg, and just two months after the last vote of confidence in her leadership, underscoring the EU’s political fragmentation. The Patriots accuse von der Leyen of a lack of transparency and accountability and have slammed the Mercosur and U.S. trade agreements. The Left also criticize the Commission’s trade policy but place greater emphasis on what they say is inaction by the EU executive amid Israel’s war in Gaza. Having two motions of censure filed at the same time is unprecedented and has sparked debate in the Parliament on how the choreography will allow for two debates and two votes.  The timing of debates and votes will be decided by leaders of the political groups when they discuss the plenary’s final agenda on Oct. 1, Parliament spokesperson Delphine Colard said. The most likely option is for there to be a joint debate on Monday, Oct. 6 followed by two separate votes on Thursday, Oct. 9, according to two people with knowledge of parliamentary procedure. The Patriots are likely to claim the right to have the first vote as they won the race to file the paperwork on time.

BRUSSELS — The European Commission is floating a new idea of how to send billions of euros of frozen Russian assets to Ukraine, by replacing the money transferred to Kyiv with EU-backed IOUs. Brussels is attempting to solve one of the thorniest problems since the beginning of the war — that the West can seize interest generated by Russian assets but not the huge capital sums, which would make a significant difference to Ukraine’s ability to defend itself and rebuild. The new proposal — described by one official as “legally creative” — could release a major stream of additional funding for Kyiv’s war effort without technically expropriating the Russian assets themselves, which would be legally risky. According to four officials briefed on the matter, Commission representatives proposed the idea to deputy finance ministers behind closed doors in Brussels on Thursday. The proposition received cautious enthusiasm, but no agreements or commitments were made. One official said a formal proposal could come soon. Almost €200 billion in Russian assets were frozen in the aftermath of Moscow’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. Most of the assets are held by Euroclear, a financial institution based in Brussels.  With Ukraine facing an estimated €8 billion budget shortfall next year, EU countries are discussing new ideas to continue financing the war-battered country amid squeezed domestic budgets.  In her State of the Union speech on Wednesday, Commission President Ursula von der Leyen said Ukraine would only pay back the loan once Moscow pays war reparations to Ukraine. | Sebastien Bozon/AFP via Getty Images By swapping the cash for zero-coupon short-term EU bonds, the Commission believes it will avoid accusations of seizing the money. The idea has not been signed off, and other options for making use of the Russian assets are also on the table, the officials said. In her State of the Union speech on Wednesday, Commission President Ursula von der Leyen said Ukraine would only pay back the loan once Moscow pays war reparations to Ukraine. HOW IT WOULD WORK  Under its rules, any maturing assets that Euroclear holds must be transferred into a deposit account with the European Central Bank, which in turn yields interest on the cash held. Until now, the EU has used the interest generated to repay its share of G7 loan of €45 billion to Ukraine that will soon be entirely paid out.  Now that Ukraine is running out of money, the Commission has suggested using those cash deposits at the ECB to fund a “Reparations Loan” to help prop up the war-torn country in the years to come.  “Ukraine will only pay back the loan once Russia pays for the reparations. The money will help Ukraine already today,” Commission President Ursula von der Leyen told the European Parliament during her annual State of the Union address on Wednesday — without offering many details.  In order to reassure Euroclear, the Commission suggested trading the cash deposits linked to the assets with zero-coupon bonds that will be jointly guaranteed by EU countries. Many hurdles remain before the plan could take effect, especially as national guarantees require unanimity. The Belgian government and Euroclear have repeatedly warned that using the assets themselves to issue a loan could spell legal trouble. 

BERLIN — German Chancellor Friedrich Merz’s conservative partners in Bavaria say they reject European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen’s proposals for a tougher stance on Israel. “Turning its back on Israel cannot be an option for Germany,” Alexander Hoffmann, the leader of the conservative Christian Social Union (CSU) in the Bundestag, told POLITICO’s Berlin Playbook. “I hope the Commission president will reconsider her position and retract her statements.” Hoffmann’s comments followed von der Leyen’s announcement on Wednesday in her State of the Union speech that the Commission would draw up proposals to sanction Israel’s “extremist ministers” and move to partially suspend trade elements of the EU-Israel Association Agreement, a wide-ranging pact covering economic cooperation. Bavarian conservatives, who are part of von der Leyen’s conservative European People’s Party (EPP) and govern in an alliance with Merz’s Christian Democratic Union (CDU), say they will stand against the proposals. “Unilateral pressure on Israel does not bring peace any closer,” said Hoffmann. “On the contrary, that is exactly what Hamas wants to achieve. You can criticize friends — yes, you even have to — but you cannot sanction friends.” Von der Leyen has been under increasing pressure to take a tougher stance on Israel, including from inside her own Commission. But the reactions to her Israel proposals illustrated the continuing political divide, with some MEPs in the audience applauding while others jeered. Some of the harshest criticism of her proposals came from her own EPP.  DIVIDES WITHIN MERZ’S COALITION The dynamic in Brussels reflects to some extent the political divides inside Merz’s own coalition in Berlin. Germany has traditionally been one of Israel’s closest allies, but Merz has criticized the Israeli government — including its recent attack on Hamas targets in Qatar — in unusually strong terms for a German chancellor. At the same time, his coalition has stopped short of supporting punitive action on the EU level. Last month, however, Merz announced that Germany would partially suspend weapons deliveries to Israel following its government’s move to expand military operations in Gaza. The chancellor was then confronted with a backlash from inside his own conservative alliance. Merz, therefore, has been careful in reacting to von der Leyen’s latest proposals.  “There has been no fundamental change in Germany’s policy toward Israel,” Merz said late Wednesday in Berlin. “Germany will continue to stand by the state of Israel in the future. This is also a historical obligation.” Friedrich Merz announced that Germany would partially suspend weapons deliveries to Israel following its government’s move to expand military operations in Gaza. | Saeed Jaras/Getty Images At the same time, Merz didn’t rule out support for von der Leyen’s sanctions proposal.  “As far as sanctions are concerned, I would first like to wait for the internal discussion in the European Council, as well as the discussion within the coalition,” he said. If there is no agreement within the coalition “we automatically abstain,” a German government official said regarding potential votes on von der Leyen’s proposals to sanction Israeli ministers and suspend parts of the association agreement. The coalition in Berlin — which consists of Merz’s conservative alliance and the center-left Social Democratic Party (SPD) — has grown increasingly divided on the matter. While CSU politicians are the most steadfast supporters of Israel, SPD politicians are calling for a tougher approach. Merz’s CDU stands somewhere in the middle.  “I welcome the announcements made by Commission President Ursula von der Leyen,” SPD deputy parliamentary group leader Siemtje Möller told Berlin Playbook. The CDU’s foreign policy spokesperson, Jürgen Hardt, signaled openness “for sanctions against extremist settler ministers” but warned that restrictions on economic cooperation could backfire. “They would affect and discourage those who are willing to cooperate and could be exploited by the radical side in Israel,” he said. Passage of von der Leyen’s proposals would depend on German support. A partial suspension of trade elements of the EU-Israel Association Agreement would require a qualified majority among EU governments. Sanctioning Israeli ministers would require a unanimous vote. Both topics are expected to top the agenda during the upcoming European Council meetings in October.  Jasper Bennink and Hans von der Burchard contributed to this report from Berlin. 

European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen delivered a swashbuckling call for Europe to defend itself against Russia and punish the Israeli government. Speaking as news screens showed Poland scrambling fighter jets as Russian drones hovered above the NATO country, von der Leyen’s assertive assessment of the State of the European Union on Wednesday directly contrasted her own political standing. On the defensive over a lopsided trade deal with Donald Trump and facing multiple votes of no-confidence in the European Parliament, she disavowed nostalgia and paralysis and took the battle to her opponents. In a lively first parliamentary session after the summer break, she faced boos and jeers from MEPs ― mainly from the right wing while she talked about Gaza, but later, as she referenced environmentally friendly cars, even from her own side. “Europe must fight,” she said, acknowledging the uncomfortable shift for a union that started out as a peace project in the ashes of World War II. Yet as she laid out concrete proposals for boosting Europe’s military might, cracking down on Israel and tackling the housing crisis, von der Leyen was also fighting to maintain her own fraying coalition of pro-European centrists and to show angry voters that Brussels can respond to their growing list of fears in the “unforgiving” world of today. It’s clear that citizens increasingly blame her: six in ten respondents in a recent poll said she should resign over the asymmetric trade deal with U.S. President Donald Trump. “I will never gamble with people’s jobs or livelihoods,” she said of the deal. OVERTAKEN BY EVENTS The first State of the European Union speech of her second administration was closely guarded, with rank and file staffers in the Commission’s own communications department only receiving the prepared text shortly before von der Leyen stepped up to center of the Strasbourg hemicycle. Yet the 7,500-word speech made no references to events that consumed the headlines in the last hours of its drafting: Israel’s brazen strike on Hamas officials in Qatar and Russia’s incursion into Polish airspace with drones that pushed Europe, as Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk put it, “closer to open conflict… than at any time since the Second World War.” Nonetheless, von der Leyen did offer new ideas for both hot zones. As ongoing U.S. support for NATO remains in doubt, von der Leyen proposed an “Eastern Flank Watch,”  including funding for a so-called drone wall long sought by Baltic countries, as well as a space surveillance system. She also suggested using Russian frozen assets to issue a “Reparations Loan” to finance Ukraine in the years to come. She also signaled a change in her own approach to the Netanyahu government. Criticized by some capitals in the wake of Hamas’ brutal Oct. 7, 2023 attack on Israeli civilians for setting no limits on Israel’s right to defend itself, von der Leyen on Wednesday said a “man-made famine” in Gaza is part of a “systematic shift in the last months that is simply unacceptable.” There’s little the Commission can do on its own, but von der Leyen made a vague promise to stop “bilateral payments” to Israel. With the left side of the chamber awash with red-dressed lawmakers commemorating Gaza victims, von der Leyen also proposed more severe punishments — suspending a trade agreement with Israel and sanctioning extremist ministers. Those measures, while a marked toughening of the Commission’s approach, are unlikely to win the necessary support in a consistently divided Council, made up of the EU’s 27 national governments. CLINGING TO THE COALITION A year ago, just months after voters pushed the European Parliament to the right in the 2024 election, von der Leyen told MEPs of her plans to embrace a Europe that does less. Cutting red tape was the mantra.“Competitiveness” was in, “climate” was out. The outcome has resulted in growing frustration among socialist, liberal and Green lawmakers, who have historically cooperated with von der Leyen’s center-right European People’s Party to run the EU and have endorsed her presidency. The center-left Socialists and Democrats didn’t back a bid by a far-right lawmaker to censure von der Leyen in July — but they vowed “resistance” if her policies kept veering right. But with at least two more votes of no-confidence on the horizon — and von der Leyen fending off simmering dissent within her own Commission— she offered a range of social policies. They included a pledge to eliminate poverty by 2050. (According to Eurostat, 2024, 27.5 million Europeans were “severely materially or socially deprived.”) She also included a Quality Jobs Act to “ensure that modern employment keeps pace with modern economy,” and promised housing package to accelerate home construction and renovations, with the aim to ensure no one sleeps on the street by 2030.   And while this year’s speech continued to downplay green initiatives, von der Leyen did try to merge climate and competition concerns with a plan for small electric vehicle production. The  “e-car,” she said, would be environmentally friendly, affordable and made in Europe ― as the proposal elicited boos from her own EPP. “I want to work with this House and with all pro-European democratic forces to deliver for Europeans,” said von der Leyen. LITTLE TRACTION Von der Leyen appeared at ease, smiling frequently even as she addressed persistent hecklers directly as “this shouting side of the house.” Yet the debate among leaders from the political groups that followed her speech could not have made her comfortable, revealing little change in the Parliament’s polarized dynamics. The EU’s strategic autonomy, said S&D leader Iratxe García, was buried “under a golf course,” a knock on the U.S. trade deal that shows the second-biggest group is still far from supporting the measure. As García and EPP boss Manfred Weber, von der Leyen’s top ally in Parliament, proceeded to trade blows, the leader of the centrist Renew group issued disgust. “Stability and understanding amongst pro-European forces in this chamber is absolutely vital,” Valérie Hayer told von der Leyen. “People are watching this at home, and they’re seeing a pathetic spectacle.” Max Griera and Gabriel Gavin contributed to this article from Strasbourg, Laura Kayali from Paris and Wojciech Kość from Warsaw. Gregorio Sorgi, Carlo Martuscelli, Hanne Cokelaere, Jordyn Dahl, Seb Starcevic and Aitor Hernández-Morales contributed from Brussels.

STRASBOURG ― The EU’s Patriots and The Left groups will both formally demand at midnight on Wednesday that European Commission Ursula von der Leyen face a no-confidence vote. The move from the far-right and far-left groups, just hours after von der Leyen delivered her landmark State of the Union address at the European Parliament in Strasbourg, comes two months after the last no-confidence vote, which underscored the EU’s political fragmentation. The latest motions of censure would mean von der Leyen would need to return to Parliament to justify her position as early as October. “The EU is weaker today than ever due to the persistent failure of the president of the Commission to cope with the most pressing challenges,” the Patriots will say in their motion, obtained by POLITICO. Among other things, they accuse von der Leyen of a lack of transparency and accountability and slam the Mercosur and U.S. trade agreements. The Left group’s motion also criticizes the Commission’s trade policy but places a bigger emphasis in what they say is inaction by the EU executive amid Israel’s war in Gaza, according to the wording, also obtained by POLITICO. Despite von der Leyen announcing in her State of the Union speech that she would propose sanctions against Israeli ministers and settlers, the Left’s group leadership says it is not enough. “You have taken no real sanctions, and your announcement today changes nothing,” The Left’s co-chair, Manon Aubry, told von der Leyen after her speech. “Faced with genocide there can’t be half measures.” Parliamentary rules say a group can only file a motion of censure with 72 signatures two months after the previous one took place — otherwise, they need 144 names. The last motion was on July 10, which means the earliest the groups can submit their motions with 72 signatures is Wednesday at midnight. “The plan is still to submit as soon as it is possible,” said Thomas Shannon, The Left’s spokesperson. A senior Patriots official confirmed the group will also file at midnight. To table the motion, they need to send an email to the Parliament president with the text and all the required signatures. Once filed, legal services will assess the veracity of the signatures, and if the motions are admissible, a no-confidence debate and vote could be summoned as early as October. POLITICO has contacted the Commission for comment.