GREECE’S FARMERS ARE ESCALATING PROTESTS FROM ROAD BLOCKADES TO OPEN CONFRONTATION AS GOVERNMENT RESPONDS WITH REPRESSION ~ Blade Runner ~ After more than ten days of nationwide mobilisation, farmers’ protests last week escalated into open confrontation and clashes with riot police. Protesters have faced arrests and upgraded charges, while in Crete authorities are threatening to prosecute farmers under accusations of forming a “criminal organisation.” From the mountains of Macedonia and Epirus to the plains of Thessaly and Aitoloakarnania, and from olive-growing Messinia to tourist-heavy Crete, thousands of low- and lower-middle-income farmers have taken to the roads. National highways have been shut down, cutting key transport routes and effectively splitting the country into parts. Tractor convoys are marching through major towns and cities, border crossings, ports and airports have been occupied for hours, and state institutions have been targeted with militant interventions. The farmers’ movement has moved decisively beyond symbolic protest. Mainstream media coverage has been sensationalist, with repeated references to “lawlessness” and occasional headlines warning of “insurrection”. This framing supports a broader state narrative that seeks to manipulate the meaning of the protests and brand farmers who confront police repression as “criminals”. Government officials, echoed by media commentators, recycle the familiar distinction between the “good” and the “bad” or “violent” protester. This escalation is unfolding under a centre-right government that includes figures with far-right political backgrounds and rhetoric, and is already facing corruption scandals. Having treated farmers’ representatives with open contempt and unable to address the substance of their demands, ministers have instead threatened prosecutions and expanded policing, signalling a strategy of repression rather than negotiation. Trade unions, youth and local communities have expressed solidarity with the farmers, while anarchist and left-wing groups have actively intervened in support of the mobilisations. The farmers are beginning to break out of isolation and a broader social bloc could be taking shape, capable of undermining the current social peace. RESTRUCTURING THE COUNTRYSIDE The farmers’ revolt cannot be understood outside the long-term restructuring of the Greek countryside under EU and domestic policy. Agriculture in Greece has declined sharply as a share of total employment over recent decades. Around the time Greece joined the European Community in 1981, roughly 30% of the labour force worked in agriculture. Today, that figure stands at around 11–12%, reflecting long-term structural shifts in the economy and population. Successive governments, implementing EU policy, have oriented the Greek economy towards tourism, services and real estate. The country has been reshaped into a low-cost destination for northern and western European capital, while primary production has been hollowed out. Large parts of the rural periphery have been abandoned, with more than a third of the 10 million population living in the Athens metropolitan and wider Attica region. Under the EU’s Common Agricultural Policy (CAP), remaining farming communities have been steered away from diverse and resilient cultivation towards monoculture systems reliant on subsidy regimes and fixed pricing. This shift has heightened ecological vulnerability and locked farmers into dependence on incentives and fluctuating markets. The so-called green transition has further distorted the sector. Farmers are now required to adopt “environmentally friendly” fertilisers and other inputs at significantly higher cost, while fuel and electricity prices continue to rise. At the same time, Greek agricultural products are forced to compete with cheaper imports from outside the EU, frequently produced under far weaker environmental and labour standards but still granted access to European markets. Against the backdrop of escalating imperialist wars, the EU’s decision to divert resources into rearmament programmes such as ReArm Europe signals a further contraction of support for agricultural production. The combined effect has been the steady destruction of small-scale farming. Production costs have soared, while climate breakdown has intensified extreme weather events, creating a vicious cycle that is now erupting openly. Floods in recent years have wiped out entire villages along with whole harvests and, in some cases, rendered land unproductive for multiple seasons. Compensation has been slow, partial or entirely absent, pushing many farmers deeper into debt. At the centre of the current crisis lies the domestic distribution of agricultural subsidies. Networks of intermediaries extract profit from both producers and consumers, while state mechanisms channel public money towards large landowners and agribusiness. In practice, EU subsidies function as a mechanism of class redistribution: a small minority of large landowners and producers absorbs the vast majority of funds, while small and medium farmers remain trapped in a regime of dependency. Fictitious entitlements, weak oversight and clientelist networks ensure that public resources flow upwards. In Crete, these dynamics are particularly stark. Long-standing patronage networks link political power, land ownership and access to EU incentives. In recent months, violent confrontations between rival family networks—reportedly involving heavy gunfire—have exposed how competition over land and subsidies is mediated through intimidation and force. Far from isolated incidents, these clashes reveal the underlying logic of a system that concentrates power and resources in the hands of a few while abandoning the majority. A STRUGGLE FOR SURVIVAL AND DIGNITY The farmers’ revolt is unfolding within a wider cycle of social conflict. In France, farmers blocked part of the A64 highway in December 2025 in protest against livestock culling policies, while earlier in 2024 Spanish and French unions organised tractor blockades at border crossings around the Pyrenees. In Portugal, farmers used tractors to block roads linking to Spain during Europe-wide protests. At the same time, recent months have seen waves of strikes and confrontations over wages, living costs and public services in Italy, Bulgaria, Spain and Portugal. Across these different contexts, struggles are increasingly turning towards disruptive tactics that target circulation—from port blockades by farmers to actions in solidarity with Gaza aimed at halting weapons shipments and challenging Israeli military tourism—developments that have been met, across cases, with intensified repression. In Greece, the memory of past uprisings looms large. The debt crisis of the previous decade never truly ended; it reshaped Greek society through austerity, privatisation and mass emigration. The Tempi rail disaster of 2023, which killed 57 people after years of neglect and privatisation of the railway network, remains a stark reminder of the human cost of neoliberal restructuring. Against this backdrop, the ruling class is acutely aware that renewed social explosions are possible. The farmers’ demands are concrete and rooted in material survival. Alongside full compensation for climate-related disasters, they are calling for reductions in production costs, debt relief, tax reductions, a genuinely public and effective national insurance system, equal rights for land workers, dignified pensions and stable income. These demands cut directly against the core of EU agricultural policy and the interests of agribusiness capital, as they appear incompatible with the dominant neoliberal model of global commerce. The state’s response—repression, criminalisation and propaganda—aims to isolate the farmers and prevent the emergence of a wider social challenge. Yet the scale and persistence of the mobilisations suggest that something deeper is unfolding. The farmers’ revolt is not a single sector’s dispute, but a struggle over who bears the cost of climate breakdown and capitalist restructuring. As farmers take to the streets with their tractors, the question confronting Greek society is not only whether agriculture can survive under the existing model, but whether converging struggles can reopen the possibility of a collective rupture with it. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Photos: World Riots on Facebook The post Farmers’ revolt in Greece appeared first on Freedom News.

LABOUR’S WEAPONISATION OF XENOPHOBIC POLITICS NORMALISES CRUELTY AND ENABLES DIVISION OF WORKERS  ~ Simon and Uri talk about the government’s asylum policy abomination, the Pally Action hunger strike, mountains of waste in Oxfordshire, the recent Bristol “Patriots” March, and Maoist violence against Athens anarchists. The post Anarchist News Review: Asylum abomination and Pally hunger strike appeared first on Freedom News.

ARSON IN BERLIN, MARCHES AND REPRESSION IN GREECE MARK A YEAR SINCE FATAL ATHENS EXPLOSION ~ Kit Dimou ~ The past week saw a series of anarchist actions and memorials across Europe, marking one year since the death of Greek anarchist Kyriakos Xymitiris, who was killed on 31 October 2024 in a bomb explosion in Athens. Most lately on Tuesday (4 November), an anonymous group calling itself “the three funny four beavers” claimed responsibility for setting fire to a transformer station at a Virtus data centre construction site in Berlin, dedicating the action to Xymitiris. In a rhymed communiqué titled “Fire and flame to the data centres!”, the group denounced the AI industry’s environmental destruction and its role in militarism, including the use of artificial intelligence in Israel’s bombardment of Gaza. It said gasoline and car tyres were used to start the fire, although police gave mainstream media a contradictory account. Palestine, West Bank Commemoration events for Xymitiris began on 30 October with a public gathering at Athens Panteion University, discussing revolutionary memory and presenting a book on armed struggle. The following evening, hundreds marched in central Athens under banners remembering the fallen anarchist and demanding freedom for those imprisoned in connection with the 2024 Ampelokipi explosion: Marianna Manoura, Dimitra Zarafeta, Nikos Romanos, and two others. The march was violently attacked by riot police as it entered Exarchia, with stun grenades and chemical sprays used against people sitting in nearby cafés. Witnesses reported dozens detained during the dispersal. In Crete, the same morning saw large-scale raids in Heraklion targeting anarchist structures including the Evangelismos squat. Several people were arrested after a recent public confrontation with the far-right former minister Makis Voridis, whose long history with Greece’s military junta and neo-Nazi networks has once again drawn scrutiny. The raids coincided with the anniversary of Xymitiris’s death and appeared aimed at disrupting planned memorial assemblies. In Hamburg, comrades gathered to hang a banner reading “Revolutionary hearts burn forever — Kyriakos X.” and to share discussion and remembrance. Further statements of solidarity appeared from Portugal, Palestine, and Germany’s autonomous housing scene. A collective from the squatted building Rigaer94 in Berlin published a long text recalling Xymitiris’s presence in the city and linking his memory to struggles against eviction, militarism and digital control.     -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Verified machine edit The post Attacks and memorials for Kyriakos Xymitiris appeared first on Freedom News.

WIDE COALITION OF TEACHERS’ AND PARENTS’ GROUPS ORGANISED PROTEST OVER SCHOOL CONDITIONS ~ Kit Dimou ~ Six children required medical care at a nearby clinic and one 7-year-old boy ended up in hospital after police tear-gassed and attacked a protest at a primary school in Exarcheia, Athens last Thursday (23 October). MAT and OPKE riot police set on a demonstration of around 100 parents, teachers, union members and schoolchildren from the 36th Primary School with beatings, tear gas and flash bangs. The protest, outside of the regional Directorate of Primary Education, opposed plans to merge school classes and highlighted lack of care for children with disabilities.  The protest was called groups including the Parents Federation, all the teachers’ associations from this part of the city, as well as the parents’ associations of 15 separate schools. Nevertheless, the police and right-wing press blame the incidents exclusively on the presence of parents who are members of the two local collectives “NO metro in Exarcheia Square” and “Open Assembly for the Defence of Strefi Hill”, accusing them of trying to break police lines and force their way into the building. While anarchist parents and children may have been present, other workers and parents in the protest were anything but anti-authoritarian. As stated by the Strefi hill assembly, parents and collective members are not “horrible aliens from Andromeda” but “parents who fight for their children as they have learnt to fight for their neighbourhood, Hill, park and square“. This is not the first time the schoolchildren at 36th Primary face violence and tear gas. In April, following the eviction of the “Exostrefis” squat on its first birthday, a number of cultural and educational activities took place around Strefi hill, with the support of the School’s parents’ assocation. The climbing and tightrope walking activities were interrupted violently by riot police.  So far, the parents’ attempts to bring this up in the supposedly “progressive” Athens City Council have fallen on deaf ears. The post Athens: Police tear-gas schoolchildren, blame anarchist parents appeared first on Freedom News.

DURING A SUMMER BREAK IN THE SOUTH, FREEDOM GRABBED THE OPPORTUNITY TO INTERVIEW THE ANARCHIST COLLECTIVE ROUVIKONAS IN ATHENS ~ Blade Runner ~ The collective has built a reputation for direct actions that range from occupying ministries to smashing up the offices of debt collectors. Formed in 2014, in the wake of Greece’s anti-austerity struggles, they describe their work as bridging the gap between anarchists and the wider social base. In conversation, their style is as direct as their actions. On the collective’s beginnings: “Rouvikonas was founded in 2014. At that time, Greece had gone through social and political turmoil. Following the death of the young anarchist Alexis Grigoropoulos, an insurrection broke out in 2008 and a whole generation was radicalised. Then from 2010 to 2014, a big part of the social base took to the streets to fight against austerity measures, but the movement died out and the unrest was channelled back into parliamentary politics and the State. “The comrades who founded Rouvikonas thought that anarchists had lost a great and rare revolutionary opportunity in those years. They were not able to offer a credible alternative to the State for the people of the social base. So, they started reflecting on the mistakes and dead ends of the anarchist movement, and how to fix them. This is the context that triggered Rouvikonas’ creation: to bridge the gap that existed between anarchists and the social base.” On the use of social media: “Our political choice is to publicly claim responsibility for everything we do. Every action is followed by a statement with video and photo material, and a text explaining what we did and why. This serves several goals. By documenting our actions, we prevent the enemy from making false accusations. We can demonstrate exactly what we did, so it’s harder for a judge to condemn us on false charges. “At the same time, video footage is a powerful tool of communication: people can see with their own eyes what we did, and it can be inspiring. We show our actions to break the state of fear in which the social base is kept by the State and its propaganda mechanisms. The aim is to break paralysis and apathy, and to encourage people to join the struggle.” Intervention in a department store following reports for poor working conditions On state repression: “Patterns of repression have changed over the years, depending on the government. … Now there’s an open investigation trying to classify us as a criminal organisation, using changes in the penal code. This is serious — penalties are harsher, and it’s harder to avoid prison by paying fines. But we continue to fight.” “What really scares them is that we keep bringing in new people. In their own investigation they admit this: every time they identify members after an action, they see faces they didn’t know before. People without history in other groups or demonstrations, of all ages, genders, lifestyles. Not the usual suspects. Ordinary people who had never been political, joining Rouvikonas and taking action.” On firefighting and disaster relief: “Following decades of state cuts to the fire department, every year vast regions of Greece are destroyed by fires. People watch their houses burn, firefighters do what they can but with limited resources they cannot do much. When they protest, they get beaten by riot police. This is why three years ago we created a Volunteer Firefighters Sector for forest firefighting. “We now have three vehicles and a well-trained crew of volunteers. All summer they patrol the countryside and intervene when wildfires break out. In the last two years they saved people, houses, and wild animals. The logic is that of self-organisation: not to depend on the State, but to count on our own forces. As we say in Greece, ‘only the people can save the people’.” Rouvikonas’ firefighting volunteers in action On Antifascism: “Golden Dawn was defeated. It was defeated in the streets first, and then declared a criminal organisation and outlawed. By then it had already become useless to the ruling class. Militant antifascism is essential, but is not the whole story. There will always be small fascist groups, and you keep them in check in the streets. “But the real question is: how do we prevent them from gaining ground among the social base? The reason they gained influence was the political void we created. If you’re absent from social and political struggles, people turn elsewhere. If you don’t represent a credible alternative to parties and the State, people look elsewhere for solutions. We must be on the front line of the social and class war every day. To the degree we succeed, people will turn to us and ignore them.” Palestine solidarity walk in Athens’ touristic centre On Palestine solidarity: “Greece is a partner in genocide with Israel. The Greek bourgeoisie has historic and existential ties with the Israeli ruling class. Here we have companies collaborating with the Israeli military, and Israeli investors buying property and hotels. As long as such targets exist, there will be ways to hit the Zionist state and its genocidal policies.” The full interview will be featured in the next issue of Freedom anarchist journal The post Interview with Rouvikonas appeared first on Freedom News.

CAMPAIGN LAUNCHED TO COVER APPEAL COSTS FOR KOUKAKI SQUATS COMMUNITY ~ Kate Moschou ~ As their appeal trial approaches, members of the Koukaki Squats Community (KSC) in central Athens have launched a funding campaign to help cover mounting legal costs. Several comrades face 6.5 years in prison after being convicted on three misdemeanour charges, following their arrest during the 2020 eviction of one of the squatted buildings. The Koukaki Squats Community (KSC) in central Athens included three buildings which had stood abandoned and decrepit before being occupied in 2017. Until their final eviction in 2020, the squats—at 45 Matrozou Street, 21 Panaitoliou Street, and 3 Arvali Street (also known as the Blue House)—were a hub of anarchist struggle and communal life. KSC opened its doors to people in need of shelter and collective living, who wanted to fight back against state violence and injustice. The community hosted a lending library, public baths and laundries, a free clothing bazaar, and spaces for political assemblies and public events. As part of wider struggles against gentrification, state repression, and ecological destruction, it stood in solidarity with political prisoners, anti-fascism, and resistance to patriarchy, racism and militarism. Fascist groups carried out multiple arson attacks against the squats, while the state launched a campaign of repression. All three buildings were violently evicted—first in 2018, again in 2019, and finally in 2020. On each occasion, squatters mounted combative resistance and attempted to reoccupy the spaces. These actions led to multiple court cases, aimed at exhausting them economically and mentally. After the final eviction of the Matrozou squat in 2020, the arrested comrades were convicted of three misdemeanours, yet received an unprecedented sentence of six and a half years’ imprisonment without suspension. This outcome followed a state-led media offensive, with even the President of Greece publicly calling for attempted murder charges. Although the sentence is currently suspended pending appeal, this is the first time in Greek history that squatters—and more broadly, political activists without felony charges—face the real threat of prison. Legal costs for all KSC-related cases—including lawyers’ fees, court charges and potential financial penalties in case of conviction—are enormous. Solidarity events and donations have covered part of the expenses, but needs remain high. To help meet these, the Koukaki Squats Community has launched a crowdfunding campaign on Firefund and are appealing for comrades to donate. The appeal trial is set for 2 December 2025. The post Athens: Squatters face prison after years of repression appeared first on Freedom News.

REPORT FROM A PRESENTATION ON THE ROOTS OF ZIONISM IN THE LEAD-UP TO 1948 ~ Giannis Voliatis ~ On Thursday (26 June) the Thessaloniki libertarian communist group Orizontia Kinisi (Horizontal Move) hosted an even at Ovradera social centre, presenting its research on the early history of Zionism. Attended by dozens of participants, the presentation discussed the roots and history of the movement, its political positions and the strategies that led to displacement of thousands of Palestinians during the Nakba (catastrophe) in 1948. The presentation covered the causes that put the Zionist project to truck, from the antisemitic pogroms in Europe to colonial thought and practice, and showcased how British imperialism aided the colonisation process during the first quarter of the 20th century. Specific important aspects of the Zionist thought were highlighted that are generally unknown to the Greek radical movement, like its pseudo-historical validation, its questionable relation to Judaism, and the collaboration between the official Zionist movement structures and leading European anti-semites. The presentation also included notes on the dirty role of Histadrut and “labour Zionism” in the establishment of the state of Israel, the love/hate relationship the various armed Jewish factions in Palestine had with the British mandate authorities, and the atrocities they committed. The purpose of the event was to arm the local radical movement with historical knowledge and arguments against Zionist historical revisionism, and the pro-Zionist monopoly on mainstream media discourse as the Gaza genocide continues. The post Thessaloniki event: “The road to the Nakba” appeared first on Freedom News.

HUNDREDS OF PARTICIPANTS IN THESSALONIKI FOR A PANTHEON OF TALKS, WORKSHOPS, DEMONSTRATIONS AND CULTURAL EVENTS ~ from infolibre ~  The 17th Balkan Anarchist Bookfair was held in Thessaloniki between 15 and 18 May, with great success: both in terms of the many participations of collectives from all Balkan and European regions and the whole of Greece, and in terms of the discussions, the contacts made, and the elaboration of positions and actions. More than 300 participations came from outside of Greece for a total of 500 registered, and many more came to the events and actions. They showed the will to find each other, to get to know each other and to realise self-organisation, overcoming differences. And even in an era of death-politics, resignation and pessimism, we showed how feasible self-organisation is. The event began at the Free Social Space School, after the end of the march in solidarity with the Palestinian people, against the genocide being committed by Israel in Gaza, on the occasion of the 77th anniversary of the Nakba, in which many people who came to Thessaloniki for the festival participated at the invitation of the organising committee of BAB 2025. The state-capitalist crimes in Tempi, Novi Sad and Kotsani were at the centre of the first event of the Bookfair, discussing the cracks they cause to the systemic narratives of domination, as well as the social-movement actions and processes that followed and continue. The second day began early with the panel on “Anarchism and dictatorship in Belarus in 2025” by ABC Belarus, which gave us a clear picture of the situation in Belarusian society, the modernised repressive policies of the state and the violent silencing experienced by social movements in the country. Then Tierra Comida Collective presented the Autonomous Cooking Council as a new self-organised model of sharing and food production against the capitalist food industry. Along with the events, self-defence arts and first aid workshops were held by the anarchist first aid team.  After a vegan lunch, the afternoon events included discussions of “Anarchism and Decolonialism” by Ashique M. from Tirana; of the oppression experienced by the LGBTQ community in Hungary by Feminsta Akció; of gender-based violence in our spaces and the conditions of social re-integration by La Cinetika occupied social centre; of the Budapest case and repression of anti-fascists, and finally a presentation of the magazine Eutopia and the “Iranian Corridors” project. From 6pm to 10pm, two debates on the climate crisis and gender oppression took place with mass participation. The first was led by representatives of the assembly of Megali Panagia, the assembly for the defense of the mountains from Athens, and the Zadruga Urbana from Slovenia. The key-topics of the discussion were the green development that is spreading in the Balkans and the exchange of experiences and struggles against it, and the need to link ecological struggles with self-organised food production. The discussion on gender oppression began with a presentation of the feminist group Calvaluna. Subsequently, the feminist group “Tsupressa” criticised the wider feminist movement and transferred their approach to the phenomenon of femicide. This was followed by the anarcho-queer group vrrrrrrene from Croatia presenting the marches they are carrying out against anti-pride rallies and the digital repression they receive from the government. Finally, the WISH collective presented the situation at the refugee camps on Lesbos. The curtain fell on the second day with the experimental musical event “Filmsy Weapons” by Cosminas M. and a concert by Niki Dimitriadis and Richard Hronsky. Intense anti-capitalist and anti-war slogans coloured the mass afternoon march called by the BAB in the centre of Thessaloniki on May 18th and the events that framed it. “No border divides us, no nation unites us” was among the slogans, as well as ones opposing the genocide in Gaza. The march started from the ECSC School, crossed the city centre and ended up in Fabrica Yfanet where the events continued. The capstone of the day was the discussion on “State, capitalism and wars”. What was emphasised in particular was the necessity of building a solidarity movement with the main characteristics of the anti-capitalist and anti-war struggle. Above the walls of nationalism and war, solidarity with deserters was one of the most central positions. Statements emphasised the constant slaughter of the Palestinian people by the Israeli state and the necessity of a struggle to prevent genocide. One of the interesting morning events that took place at the Yfanet site, was the one for self-organised media and self-managed digital platforms of the movement. In this event, there were presentations of self-organised digital and media platforms for information and culture from various Balkan countries and Greece such as 1431 AM, Athens Indymedia, Cybrigade, Crna Luknja, Electric Requiem, Info Libre, KPaX Radio, and Kinimatorama. Alongside the presentations, fertile ground was created for discussion around mainstream social networking, censorship policies, unreliable and scandalous management of personal data from corporations such as Facebook, spy capitalism and the need to build self-organised ventures and digital communities. From digital forums dominated by horizontality among users, to self-organised radio stations and music and art free-sharing platforms, this event presented interesting issues and alternative networking projects outside digital capitalism and its speculative policies against users. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Edited machine translation The post Balkan Anarchist Bookfair: “No resignation—Self-organisation!” appeared first on Freedom News.

SHIELDING THE SPACE WITH SECURITY ROLLING SHUTTERS WILL HELP KEEP IT A SAFE AND FUNCTIONAL HUB FOR RESISTANCE, SOLIDARITY, AND SELF-ORGANISATION ~ Giannis Voliatis ~ The Ovradera social centre in the city of Thessaloniki, Greece was created around 4 years ago. It is the home of various anarchist, libertarian and feminist political groups and individuals. It also hosts the libertarian publishing house Koursal, the counter-information portal Alerta.gr, the Gizmo_Lab—a group that deals with information technologies and how they can be used to help the movement—and many other temporary or permanent initiatives. In Greece, state repression has intensified in recent years, targeting the anarchist and libertarian movements through widespread evictions of squats and increased restrictions on public spaces like squares and university campuses for hosting activities and assemblies. Aiming to expand the anarchist movement’s reach and engagement with society, Ovradera is a space that operates in a non-hierarchical, horizontal way and has a firm stance against racism, fascism and sexism. Although an integral part of the local anarchist/libertarian movement, it is a social centre open to any initiative that aligns with its basic principles and the collective way all decisions are made. During its existence thus far, it has hosted various meetings and events (political and cultural), book presentations, exhibitions and solidarity campaigns (e.g. in support for Palestine, of people that were harmed by the floods and wildfires of the recent years in Greece, in support of political prisoners). In line with Ovradera’s ideals and mode of operation of , all the financial costs of the space are covered by its members or via financial benefit events. Some months ago, Ovradera had to move to a different space, really close to the previous one. This move brought with it some heavy financial costs, mainly aimed to the protection and fortification of the new centre with metal shields, due to possible attacks from the state and fascists. In order to cover part of these costs, the comrades of Ovradera decided to start a firefund campaign and are currently appealing for financial aid, however large or small. Comrades are also invited to spread the word—and of course to come visit whenever they happen to find themselves in Thessaloniki. The post Thessaloniki: Ovradera social centre update and appeal appeared first on Freedom News.

The company doesn’t keep logs, so couldn’t turn over data: > Windscribe, a globally used privacy-first VPN service, announced today that > its founder, Yegor Sak, has been fully acquitted by a court in Athens, Greece, > following a two-year legal battle in which Sak was personally charged in > connection with an alleged internet offence by an unknown user of the service. > > The case centred around a Windscribe-owned server in Finland that was > allegedly used to breach a system in Greece. Greek authorities, in cooperation > with INTERPOL, traced the IP address to Windscribe’s infrastructure and, > unlike standard international procedures, proceeded to initiate criminal > proceedings against Sak himself, rather than pursuing information through > standard corporate channels...