STRASBOURG, France — Ursula von der Leyen on Thursday survived a no-confidence vote in her leadership of the European Commission. A majority of members of the European Parliament, who voted on a motion submitted by the hard-right, backed the Commission president. If she had lost the vote, von der Leyen and the rest of her Commission would have had to stand down, throwing the EU into chaos. 360 MEPs voted against the motion, with 175 in favor and 18 abstaining. Out of 720 MEPs, 553 showed up to cast a ballot. The motion would have needed 357 votes to pass. While von der Leyen, as expected, lives to fight another day, her troubles are far from over. The vote — the first such no-confidence attempt since 2014 — exposes increasing political opposition to a Commission president who, like much of Europe, seems to have drifted to the right, putting her at odds with two of the major parties that brought her to power. Von der Leyen may have survived but political families from across the spectrum used the procedure to air their grievances against the Commission, whether on transparency and the over-centralization of power, backtracking on the Green Deal, or accusations of violating the EU’s institutional procedures. It has also shaken up the coalition of parties that support von der Leyen’s second term, with the Socialists and liberals increasingly at odds with the Commission president. In the run-up to the vote, both groups threatened to abstain over their concerns that the Commission is drifting to the right.   However, the liberals backed down, saying they did not want to take part in the extreme right’s “games” with Europe’s stability, according to a Renew spokesperson. The Socialists followed suit on Thursday evening after securing a concession from von der Leyen on the EU’s long-term budget, which the Commission is slated to present next week. The Commission president promised the center-left she would keep the European Social Fund, which is meant to tackle poverty and support vulnerable groups, as part of the budget, despite earlier indications that it would be dropped. Among Socialists and Democrats, said Parliament Vice President Katarina Barley, many are determined that this will be the “absolute last chance.” Gheorghe Piperea, a Romanian lawmaker from the right-wing European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR), who brought the motion against von der Leyen, told POLITICO that he expected the motion to fail, but that the exercise was healthy for the EU. He added that he expects the move to “open Pandora’s box” by showing that “it is possible” to challenge the Commission president. Von der Leyen should brace for “several” more censure efforts, Piperea said. The EPP disagrees. “The day we return from holidays, we would almost have forgotten about this,” predicted EPP vice-chair Siegfried Mureșan. This article has been updated.

Center-left lawmakers will not support Thursday’s motion of no confidence in Ursula von der Leyen, giving a timely boost to the beleaguered European Commission president. In a U-turn, the European Parliament’s Socialists and Democrats dropped its abstention threats, according to two group officials. To win their support, von der Leyen promised to keep funds dedicated to social spending in the EU’s seven year budget from 2028, which is currently being drawn up. Had the Socialists abstained, von der Leyen would still almost certainly have won Thursday’s vote, but it would have raised doubts about the Commission’s support in Parliament and ability to push through legislation. “S&D has achieved the inclusion of ESF+ [European Social Fund] in next MFF [the EU’s long-term budget, known as the multiannual financial framework] ― a major win for people across Europe,” said a group spokesperson. “Yesterday the ESF+ was out of the MFF. Today it is in it, thanks to the firmness of the S&D family,” the spokesperson added. The motion of no confidence is expected to fail to meet the two-thirds majority threshold, given the centrist groups, comprising von der Leyen’s center-right European People’s Party, the Socialists, and the liberals of Renew Europe, have now all confirmed they will vote against. “Von der Leyen has made a major concession on a topic that is dear to the S&D,” said MEP René Repasi, leader of the German SPD in the Parliament. “I think that she finally understood what is happening in the Parliament after Monday‘s debate and she saw the need to act,” he added. “We recognize this effort and we take it into consideration when taking our final decision how to vote tomorrow.” Ahead of the presentation of the next EU seven year long budget slated for next week, the Socialists, the second-largest group in the European Parliament, linked their support to the preservation of the European Social Fund, which is supposed to tackle poverty and support vulnerable groups.  Commissioner for social rights Roxana Mînzatu, herself a Socialist, also led a push inside the EU executive to save the fund. The EPP’s budget lead negotiator, Siegfried Mureșan, shrugged at the Socialists’ victory chants. This was always the S&D’s main demand, he said, adding that regardless of the vote the Parliament was always going to demand the Social Fund be included. PAYMENTS TO REGIONS Von der Leyen already conceded key Parliament demands on Tuesday evening to secure the support of centrist MEPs. The EPP’s budget lead negotiator, Siegfried Mureșan, shrugged at the Socialists’ victory chants. | Teresa Suarez/EPA During a high-stakes meeting with party chairs in Strasbourg on Tuesday, von der Leyen said that payments to regions — which currently make up a third of the EU’s multi-year budget — will continue to be handed out to local authorities as opposed to national governments in the new budget. Supporters of the move said that von der Leyen’s about-face is a “gamechanger” as it will make it harder for autocratic leaders, such as Hungary’s Viktor Orbán, to cut EU funding to regions governed by political rivals. Von der Leyen’s plan to dramatically increase the power of national governments in handling regional funds has been criticized by lawmakers from across the spectrum and by several of her own commissioners. They argue that it would undermine local democracy and widen the gap between the richer and poorer parts of Europe. Sarah Wheaton contributed to this report.

European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen has promised more power for EU regions in an effort to quell a brewing parliamentary revolt before Thursday’s no-confidence vote. Socialists and Liberals are threatening to abstain during the vote in an attempt to squeeze political commitments from von der Leyen on the bloc’s next seven-year budget, which she will unveil next Wednesday. Von der Leyen extended an olive branch to critics on the eve of a crucial no-confidence vote in the European Parliament that could severely dent her leadership. During a high-stakes meeting with party chairs in Strasbourg on Tuesday, von der Leyen said that payments to regions — which currently make up a third of the EU’s multi-year budget — will continue to be handed out to local authorities as opposed to national governments in the new budget, two people in the room told POLITICO. Von der Leyen’s offer, however, was not enough to quell concerns from the Socialists and Democrats, who have been increasingly critical of her leadership in recent weeks. “We missed clarity and commitment … If nothing changes, it will be difficult for the S&D to decide not to abstain on Thursday,” a spokesperson for the group told POLITICO after Tuesday’s meeting.  Von der Leyen is expected to survive the vote even if the Socialist and Liberal parliamentary groups abstain, as the motion would need a two-thirds majority in Parliament to pass. But it would send a strong message that she can’t count on Parliament to back her unconditionally. The Socialists, the second-largest group in the European Parliament, are linking their support to the preservation of the European Social Fund, which is supposed to tackle poverty and support vulnerable groups.  Commissioner for social rights Roxana Mînzatu, herself a Socialist, is leading a push inside the EU executive to save the fund. “If you cut this out of the budget, you hit Europe at its heart, and what will remain is a Europe without a soul,” Socialist lawmaker Mohammed Chahim said in the European Parliament. CONCESSION TO REGIONS Supporters say that von der Leyen’s about-face is a “gamechanger” as it will make it harder for autocratic leaders, such as Hungary’s Viktor Orbán, to cut EU funding to regions governed by political rivals. Yet von der Leyen’s plan to dramatically increase the power of national governments in handling regional funds has been criticized by lawmakers from across the spectrum and by several of her own commissioners. They argue that it will undermine local democracy and widen the gap between the richer and poorer parts of Europe. In a major concession, however, von der Leyen on Tuesday guaranteed that regions will continue to directly receive amounts that are determined in Brussels. She had previously announced the move in a private meeting with Polish Budget Commissioner Piotr Serafin, who is also campaigning for a stronger role for regions. “This is an important demand for the European Parliament,” said Siegfried Mureșan, the budget negotiator for the center-right European People’s Party. Lawmakers and Italian regions commissioner Raffaele Fitto, however, are pressuring von der Leyen to go one step further. They support maintaining a mechanism ― known as the Berlin formula ― that allocates a major share of the cohesion cash to underdeveloped regions across the bloc. Discussions over this sensitive issue are expected to be resolved over the weekend during high-stakes talks between von der Leyen and several commissioners.

BRUSSELS ― The Socialists are not just rebelling against European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen’s attempts to water down the EU’s green agenda — they are also out to stop her cutting budget funds for training young people and the unemployed. Von der Leyen, from the center-right European People’s Party (EPP), needs the Socialists as part of a centrist coalition to pass legislation through the European Parliament. It is an ominous signal for her that the center-left is already gearing up to play hardball over the EU’s next budget, or Multiannual Financial Framework (MFF). The fight is set to hinge on the social fund — worth €142.7 billion in the 2021-2027 budget — which is supposed to tackle poverty and support vulnerable groups. Von der Leyen wants to see that money channeled more to defense and scaling up industry. “I do not understand an MFF, a community budget, without such an important fund as the European Social Fund,” said Iratxe García Pérez, leader of the Socialists and Democrats in the European Parliament during the last plenary session.  “[The Commission] won’t have a blank check from the Socialist group,” she warned, hinting the fund will be a red-line in negotiations. She added to POLITICO: “We need to adapt to new challenges, and competitiveness is part of it, but not at the cost of leaving behind the EU’s social cohesion. Farmers, industry and business also benefit from social spending.” The Socialists, the second-largest group in the European Parliament, accuse the center-right-dominated EU executive of railroading its pro-business and deregulation agenda into the next seven-year budget.  Last week, Socialists and liberals threatened to pull the plug on von der Leyen’s informal pro-EU majority after she controversially sided with the far right in canceling an anti-greenwashing law. Inside the Berlaymont, the Socialist commissioner for social rights Roxana Mînzatu ― who is in charge of the European Social Fund — is fighting a rearguard battle to save it. “I do not understand an MFF, a community budget, without such an important fund as the European Social Fund,” said Iratxe García Pérez. | Ronald Wittek/EPA Mînzatu and her three fellow Socialist commissioners, however, are outnumbered by 14 commissioners from the EPP who are keen to steer the EU’s €1.2 trillion cashpot towards new priorities such as defense and industry.  EU commissioners from all parties are lobbying to secure greater control and funding for their programs ahead of the presentation of the budget proposal on July 16.  SIMPLIFICATION AND ITS CRITICS The Commission intends to lump dozens of funds into a national and regional plan that links payments to the completion of economic reforms.  Supporters say this system will reduce complexity and make it easier for countries to spend the EU’s money.  But critics warn that this is a smokescreen to cut the EU’s funds, and shuffle money away from priorities such as regional development and social cohesion. “The question you have to ask in deliberating any new structure for the MMF is how can the Commission manage, sway or control that governments will spend the EU funds on the right policy priorities, which are not always necessarily the most attractive or [visible]?” said a Commission official. Mînzatu supports attaching a price tag to the social fund in the new budget to compel governments to actually spend the money on social policy.  Inside the European Parliament, the EPP is also in favor of ringfencing specific money pots ― although the center right is more interested in farmers’ subsidies than social programs. “We cannot have farmers competing for funds for highways or modernizing public transport or for making buildings or energy efficiency,” said lawmaker Siegfried Mureșan, the EPP’s point person for the budget talks.  “The social fund will be defended by the European Parliament,” he added.

Amid rapid economic transformation and growing global competition, the European Union is placing skills at the heart of its vision for a competitive, inclusive and resilient future. The 2025 European Employment and Social Rights Forum, held on March 5 and 6 in Brussels, gathered over 4,500 participants in Brussels and online. They explored how Europe can equip its workforce for the challenges ahead while remaining globally competitive. Under the theme Skills for a Competitive Europe, the two-day forum brought together high-level policymakers, business leaders, labor market experts and civil society representatives. Their message was clear: addressing Europe’s growing skills gaps is not just a matter of economic survival — it is also the key to social cohesion and shared prosperity in the years to come. A changing labor market demands a new approach The forum opened with a clear call to action from Mario Nava, director-general for employment, social affairs and inclusion at the European Commission. “Competitiveness and strong social rights are intrinsically linked and you cannot have one without the other. They are two sides of the same coin,” Nava said. He outlined three main goals: keeping employment high and of good quality, bolstering citizens’ well-being, and providing real opportunities for people of all ages. > Competitiveness and strong social rights are intrinsically linked and you > cannot have one without the other That sentiment was echoed in a compelling fireside chat with former Finnish Prime Minister Sanna Marin, who brought a human-centered perspective to the economic conversation. “We need to invest especially in people in this era when we are going to the unknown with this technological transformation. That will be something that we haven’t witnessed before and the pace will be so fast that we really should boost up our effort on this. We are as strong as our weakest links,” Marin argued. “This is the basic principle [of] how we should view Europe in the future and investing in our education system,” she added. This people-first approach shaped the tone for much of the first day, particularly in a keynote address by Ryan Roslansky, CEO of LinkedIn. Drawing on real-time labor market data from LinkedIn’s vast user base in Europe, Roslansky emphasized how digital and green transitions are rapidly reshaping the types of skills employers need. He pointed to the surge in demand for artificial intelligence-related capabilities, the accelerated pace of change in job requirements, and the growing gap between available talent and evolving roles. He called for a shift toward a more agile, inclusive and skills-based approach to training and hiring. From policy vision to practical tools: the Union of Skills Earlier that day, the European Commission had presented the Union of Skills — a new EU strategy designed to strengthen the EU’s human capital and competitiveness. The forum provided a timely platform for the Commission’s executive vice-president for social rights and skills, quality jobs and preparedness, Roxana Mînzatu, to present the strategy in detail. The new overarching initiative aims to deliver higher levels of basic skills, provide lifelong opportunities for adults to regularly learn new and additional skills, help workers to move freely across the EU via a skills portability initiative, and attract and retain top talent to Europe. Mînzatu appealed to the experts and the stakeholders in the room to work together: “It’s a joint effort. In every sector, in every industry, the partnership that we can build between the public sector, the educational sector, and the private sector is absolutely essential.” Can Europe be competitive and fair? The second day of the forum featured breakout sessions on various aspects of employment and social policies. Participants discussed a fundamental question — can Europe strengthen its economic position without leaving people behind? The consensus: competitiveness and inclusion are not mutually exclusive, and achieving both requires smart policy design and long-term commitment. Investment in skills must go hand in hand with support for vulnerable groups, fair working conditions, and mechanisms to ensure that economic transformation does not deepen inequalities. > Investment in skills must go hand in hand with support for vulnerable groups, > fair working conditions, and mechanisms to ensure that economic transformation > does not deepen inequalities. Other sessions discussed the role of work integration social enterprises in supporting disadvantaged groups, Europe’s journey to becoming both competitive and inclusive, and the promotion of adult learning through individual learning accounts. Additional topics included recent research findings on skills, digital tools for mobility within the EU, success stories from programs of the European Social Fund Plus, the Social Climate Fund, and evolving retirement paths through financial skills and awareness. Building momentum beyond Brussels The forum served as both a milestone and a springboard. The EU has committed over €150 billion to initiatives related to education and skills, but Nava and other speakers made clear that public investment alone will not be enough. Speakers like Li Andersson, a member of European Parliament, and Niki Kerameus, the Greek labor minister, emphasized the need to embed skills policies into broader economic and social strategies. With new initiatives on the horizon, including a quality jobs roadmap and an anti-poverty strategy, the path forward requires collaboration and coordinated action across sectors — from government and industry to education providers and civil society. Ultimately, the forum delivered a powerful reminder: Europe’s greatest competitive advantage is its people. A resilient and dynamic labor market depends not only on economic reform but on the ability to empower everyone — from factory floors to boardrooms — with the skills, confidence and opportunities to thrive. > Europe’s greatest competitive advantage is its people. A resilient and dynamic > labor market depends not only on economic reform but on the ability to empower > everyone The European Employment and Social Rights Forum 2025 provided a timely and powerful reminder that investing in people is not a cost, it is a strategic choice. As Europe prepares for the next decade of transformation, it is the skills of its citizens that will shape its future. Watch the replay of all sessions and join the mailing list at eusocialforum.eu/2025/

BRUSSELS — The European Union is handing out billions of euros to nongovernmental organizations each year without properly monitoring how the money is spent — or whether it’s even going to genuine NGOs. That’s the main finding in a damning report from the European Court of Auditors which is likely to intensify a fierce political fight over how nonprofits use EU grant money. Using words like “opaque” and “hazy,” the report finds the EU’s entire process for funding NGOs lacks transparency and calls for reform in the way grants are provided, monitored and disclosed. “The picture of EU funding for NGOs remains hazy, as information on EU funding — including lobbying — is neither reliable nor transparent,” said Laima Andrikienė, the ECA member in charge of the report, who is also a former lawmaker with the center-right European People’s Party (EPP). The criticism will give ammunition to conservative lawmakers in the European Parliament who want to overhaul the way EU money is dolled out to NGOs, claiming it lacks transparency and is often used to lobby EU institutions — criticisms echoed in the report. Hanging over the report is the question of lobbying. Are NGOs using public money to influence EU policymaking? And if they are, is it being done in line with EU values? On these questions, the ECA found the European Commission lacked curiosity and transparency. The Commission “did not clearly disclose the information it held on NGO advocacy activities that were financed by EU grants,” the ECA said. Despite the overall critical tone, the report did find some improvements since the ECA’s last assessment in 2018. It also noted that since the period audited in the report, the Commission had issued guidance to NGOs that EU funding should not be used for lobbying. But overall the system was “too opaque,” the ECA’s Andrikienė said. “Improvements are absolutely necessary. We cannot continue this business as usual.” Importantly, the ECA found no evidence of NGOs using EU funds in a way that breached EU law or EU values — including via advocacy or lobbying work paid for with EU money — but warned the risk of this happening was higher because of the lack of transparency, the agency said during a press briefing on Monday. Last week the Commission admitted in a statement that in “some cases” work programs submitted by the NGOs “contained specific advocacy actions and undue lobbying activities.” BAD TIME TO BE AN NGO The report could hardly come at a worse time for the nonprofit sector. In Europe, attacks on NGOs from MEPs are multiplying, particularly over their use of EU funds to pay for lobbying activities. MEPs from the EPP allege the European Commission paid NGOs explicitly to lobby on its behalf to promote the European Green Deal in EU institutions, including other Commission departments — something the Commission seemed to admit last week. The European Union is handing out billions of euros to nongovernmental organizations each year without properly monitoring how the money is spent. | Martin Bertrand and Hans Lucas/Getty Images Early negotiations over the EU’s next long-term budget, meanwhile, suggest dedicated programs for environmental and climate action could be reduced if not cut altogether, as the EU’s priorities switch from green issues to defense, trade and competitiveness. And at the international level, funding sources are drying up after United States President Donald Trump decided to freeze the $27 billion-a-year USAID foreign development program. Green MEP Daniel Freund told POLITICO that he feared ECA’s report could be “misused by some political forces” and fuel further attacks on NGOs. “When you read the headline … it might create the impression that it is the fault of the NGOs … when this is a general problem of the beneficiaries of EU funding,” Freund said. NGOs meanwhile welcomed the report. “The bottom line is that there is no scandal. Only a clear need to strengthen transparency,” said Patrizia Heidegger, policy director at the European Environmental Bureau, one of Brussels’ largest environmental NGOs. WHAT THE REPORT SAID The ECA looked at EU funding awarded to 90 NGOs over 2021-2023 and worth €7.4 billion in total. It included funds received through the EU’s Horizon Europe research program, the European Social Fund Plus, the Asylum, Migration and Integration Fund, youth program Erasmus+, as well as the LIFE program that finances green projects. It found the Commission does verify that NGOs fulfill basic transparency requirements, but fails to “proactively check compliance with EU values.” This exposes the EU to reputational risk, Andrikienė said. The European auditors found “no reliable overview of EU funding granted to NGOs” and pointed to instances where organizations self-declared themselves to be NGOs when they were not. “We were quite shocked to find that one large research institute was categorized as an NGO while its governing body was composed solely of government representatives,” Andrikienė told reporters. The report found important aspects of an NGO’s status were not checked, such as government links and whether it was pursuing its members’ commercial interests. The Commission also failed to “clearly disclose” to the public information it had about NGOs’ “advocacy activities” that were funded through EU grants, the auditors said, calling for additional transparency on this because of the “sensitive nature” of this information. Funding sources are drying up after United States President Donald Trump decided to freeze the $27 billion-a-year USAID foreign development program. | Brendan Smialowski/Getty Images The ECA recommended the Commission provide clearer definitions of what counts as an NGO, demand more regular updates on how grant money is being spent, and strengthen checks that NGOs are acting in line with EU values. The Commission replied that it will take on the auditors’ advice and adopt measures “which minimize administrative burden and are proportionate.” Marianne Gros contributed to reporting.

These are difficult times for Europe. They are times that compel us to focus on policies that guarantee our autonomy and sovereignty. The plan to finance European rearmament announced recently by the European Commission shows the even greater need for a united, sovereign and autonomous Europe. And energy is an absolutely essential piece of this puzzle. The EU needs more energy independence, a reality we have known for a long time but that has been manifesting itself in stark relief since 2022, the Russian invasion of Ukraine, and even more so in recent weeks. This geopolitical premise, immovable in the current situation, is also seen in every region of the EU. I’m writing from a small area in the north of Extremadura, Campo Arañuelo, almost halfway between Madrid and Lisbon. The Almaraz nuclear power plant is located here. Almaraz has two reactors that supply 7 percent of all the energy produced in Spain. In addition to being the mayor of one of the villages in the area, I direct a platform, ‘Sí a Almaraz, Sí al futuro’, created less than three months ago to work toward extending the useful life of the Almaraz nuclear power plant, which provides about 3,000 jobs, both direct and indirect. We have no time to lose. According to a 2020 order from the Spanish Ministry of Ecological Transition, led then by Teresa Ribera, Almaraz will have to close its doors permanently in 2028, and the first steps toward its dismantling would begin this year. Almaraz would be the first power plant to fall on a schedule to close all Spanish nuclear power plants, ending in 2035. Sí a Almaraz, Sí al futuro is succeeding in mobilizing more and more people and organizations, both in Extremadura and in Spain. Our region, Extremadura, historically pushed aside when it comes to the interests of other richer or more populated Spanish regions, is no longer willing to let itself be sacrificed for the interests of others. We no longer believe in grand plans that never come true. And it’s very clear to us that if Almaraz is closed, the process of depopulation and aging in Extremadura will just be exacerbated. It is estimated that 30% of the population in Extremadura will be over 65 years of age by 2037 compared with 21% today, with a fall in the total population of around 5%. But this struggle is not only ours. We are not only defending our jobs. That Almaraz continues is as necessary for all of Spain as it is for Europe. This is why next week a delegation from the platform, made up of mayors and representatives from civil society, will work in Brussels with representatives of the Europeans Commission and Parliament to help them understand the depth of what is at stake. To be competitive and independent, Europe needs a mature energy production system. This must have reasonable taxation, decreasing costs, be cheap, stable, meet safety standards and respect the environment, not emitting CO2. In the current geopolitical situation, and with the current technological development of solutions to store renewable energies, this European energy mix must include nuclear energy no matter what. Of course, the platform is a strong supporter of renewable energies, in which Spain and Extremadura are very well positioned, and believes that both production sources are not only compatible but are also mutually complementary. But with current technological development, it simply isn’t responsible to defend replacing the solid power of nuclear with the intermittent power of renewables. > with current technological development, it simply isn’t responsible to defend > replacing the solid power of nuclear with the intermittent power of > renewables. It is also a question of economic competitiveness. As both the Letta and Draghi reports repeatedly warn, without a stable energy supply at a competitive price, European industries – including the defense industries – will not be able to survive in a hostile foreign market, against competitors sometimes ‘doped up’ by their governments or regimes. We have been promised new industries that would replace the Almaraz power plant as a driving economic force in the region. But it’s very clear to us that no new industry is willing to invest in an area without the assurance of a stable energy supply. And Extremadura needs investments. Our GDP per capita is less than 75 percent of the EU average, so we are recipients of ERDF funds and the European Social Fund Plus, whose objectives are to reduce regional inequalities. With this data, closing Almaraz would deepen our discrimination. > without a stable energy supply at a competitive price, European industries – > including the defense industries – will not be able to survive in a hostile > foreign market(…) For all these reasons, we will not rest until the decision the Spanish government formalized between 2019 and 2020 is reversed, as now is a very different context. Europe needs to know what is happening, and there are many things that the Spanish government must reflect on. Why are the overwhelming majority of countries backing nuclear energy? France, the United Kingdom, Italy, Japan, Germany, Belgium. The Belgian case, with authorization from the European Commission for state aid, is symptomatic, as it shows that nuclear policy in EU countries is not merely a national issue but is subject to approval from and supervision by Brussels, which reinforces the union’s role in energy planning. In Spain, Almaraz’s proprietors are not asking for any type of aid or subsidy, but rather a reduction in the tax burden they have to bear, which is much higher than in other comparable countries. And the facility, which began operating in 1981, is more than ready to work, at least, until the age of 60. This has been corroborated by recent technical inspections and its excellent rating in tests by the World Association of Nuclear Operators (WANO). It is therefore time, once and for all, for the Spanish government to sit down to negotiate with the proprietary companies and agree on a continuance that, ensuring the economic profitability of the plants, will turn around a closure plan that was designed in a very different scenario. We have to understand that the situation has change and react accordingly. We won’t let the Almaraz power plant close. Let’s not mutilate, all on our own, our energy sovereignty.