WHILE LAST YEAR THE PERPETRATORS WERE IDENTIFIED AS BEING PART OF ORGANISED CRIME, IN 2025 THE MAIN AGGRESSORS ARE UNKNOWN ACTORS AND STATE ACTORS ~ Aldo Santiago, Avispa Midia ~ While the governor of Chiapas, Eduardo Ramírez Aguilar, boasts that it is the, “second safest state in the country,” attacks against human rights defenders, journalists, and activists have increased by 29% so far in 2025, according to a report prepared by the Observatory of Human Rights Defenders in Chiapas (OHRD) Last Friday (31 October), OHRD released a report documenting 79 attacks against human rights activists and journalists that occurred in the southern Mexican state during the first half of 2025. According to the organisation, the data is alarming because, compared to the same period in 2024, it shows a clear upward trend in violence against human rights activists. The records of the OHRD demonstrate that the documented types of attacks aim to obstruct or halt human rights activists’ work in Chiapas, as evidenced by the pattern of violence and harassment recorded. Among the documented cases, 85% were direct attacks on activists and journalists, and only 15% were related to contextual risks. Of all the violence, 62% were physical attacks and 38% were digital. The most frequent types of aggression include intimidation, defamation, surveillance, criminalisation, verbal abuse and abuse of power. Digital attacks manifested as hateful, aggressive, intimidating, or sexually explicit messages. “In particular, there has been an increase in surveillance and intimidation in digital spheres, as well as serious physical attacks. Defamation is carried out by state officials in retaliation for reports of violence and ineffectiveness by the state apparatus, criminalising the legitimate work of civil society and journalists,” the report details. The Observatory of Social Security (Obse) also highlights the difference between the current data and the 2024 period regarding the origins of the attacks. Its records show a change in the profile of the aggressors during the first seven months of 2025. While last year the perpetrators were identified as being part of organised crime, in 2025 the main aggressors are unknown actors and state actors. Secondly, the organization details that, especially in defamation cases, government authorities are identified as the perpetrators. Lastly, individuals linked to organised crime are identified. Among the main motivations attributed to the perpetrators are generating fear, discrediting individuals, undermining the work of the defence sector, criminalising dissent, and promoting self-censorship. THE MOST ATTACKED AREAS: LAND, ACCESS TO JUSTICE, AND WOMEN According to Obse, the 79 recorded incidents represent an average of 11 violent incidents per month. Among the attacks against human rights activists, the most frequently targeted rights are those related to land and territory, access to justice, and the rights of Indigenous peoples and women. The defence of land and territory stands out as the area with the highest number of attacks, compared to the same period in 2024. The report also emphasises an increase in attacks against those who defend women’s rights. Among the victims are members of human rights organisations, activists, community authorities, and leaders of local organisations in contexts of heightened violence. “The majority of documented victims of attacks are women, 66% in 2025, representing an increase compared to the same period in 2024, when they accounted for 58%,” Obse emphasises. In March, during his report on the first 100 days of his term, Governor Ramírez Aguilar presented Chiapas as “the second safest state in the country.” However, information gathered by organisations collaborating with Obse reveals a very different scenario. With the implementation of a new security strategy, which notably includes the actions of the new police force known as the Pakal Immediate Reaction Force (FRIP), communities have witnessed a reduction in armed confrontations, contributing to a perception of apparent calm, the report emphasises. “However, to this day the violence continues and the forms of control and threats faced by the population persist, such as forced recruitment, enforced disappearances, forced displacement, and the presence of armed forces throughout the state,” Obse reports. Slain activist priest Marcelo Perez The report adds that FRIP operations have focused on prosecuting common crimes and, furthermore, human rights violations have been documented during police actions, including arbitrary arrests and torture. In addition, they emphasise that there is control over information and the narrative surrounding the security strategy, as exemplified by the numerous public denials by state officials regarding violent incidents reported by the population. “With 73 human rights activists attacked from January to July 2025 and 69 during the same period in 2024, there is no progress in the safety of human rights defenders in the state,” says El Obse, for whom the persistence of the levels of violence contrasts with the institutional narrative that insists on the idea of a, “pacification” of the territories while normalising the security crisis. “This narrative, however, is not based on data or a real transformation of security conditions, but rather on a strategy of increasing militarisation that reinforces territorial control without questioning—much less dismantling—organised crime networks,” the report states. For these organisations, this contradiction is evident in the creation and strengthening of the FRIP, presented as a special force to combat organised crime, while at the same time, official discourse denies violence as a structural threat in Chiapas. “While it is claimed that ‘nothing is happening,’ police and military forces are deployed under the pretext of security, exacerbating the criminalisation of human rights defenders and the military occupation of Chiapas, with particular emphasis on border municipalities,” Obse emphasises. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Machine translation The post Chiapas: Attacks on human rights defenders and journalists on the rise appeared first on Freedom News.

FROM CHIAPAS, THOUGHTS ON THE REFUSAL TO WALK INTO TRAPS—AND THE REBELLION TO FIGHT OUR WAY OUT ~  ͶÀTIꟼAƆ ⅃Ǝ  ~ Erwin Schrödinger (Austria-Ireland, 1887-1966), who apparently wasn’t very fond of house cats, proposed a theoretical exercise for quantum physics. The approach is simple, although its implications are very complex. A cat has been placed inside a box. The box has a device that, in an undefined moment, releases a sort of lethal mechanism, and the cat will die. Since the box is airtight, it is unknown whether the cat is still alive or has already perished. One or the other possibility can’t be confirmed, until the box is opened. The moment before, when we don’t know whether the cat is alive or dead, suggests that there are two worlds or two simultaneous universes. In one, the cat is already dead; in the other, it is still alive. A lethal mechanism activated and not activated; a dead cat and alive at the same time; a superposition of states according to quantum physics. Let’s leave aside, for now, the references to comic book multiverses and their implications for quantum physics. Let’s also leave aside Mr. Schördinger’s animosity toward cats, who clearly didn’t know much about them (anyone who has dealt with them knows they wouldn’t let themselves be caught, much less allowed to be locked up, without protest or defence—especially if it’s a… cat-dog). Let’s also not dwell on the fact that the cat is imprisoned and condemned to death, unless someone sees fit to open the box before the death mechanism has been activated, and the cat jumps out and frees itself from its prison. This theoretical exercise is supposed to be a basis for showing that worlds in multiple universes are possible, that is, in a multiverse (although it is also to show that the laws of quantum physics don’t apply in everyday life). To the best of my limited knowledge of comics, I understand that, in these diverse worlds, the individual still prevails, but in different versions. In one world, Sheldon Cooper (TV’s “The Big Bang Theory”) is a scientist with social problems. In another, he’s a hopeless womanizer. In yet another, he’s a “popular” judge in the Mexican judicial system (oh, I know, my perversity is sublime). And this digression, which I hope is disconcerting, is relevant, or something, depending on the case, because even with the imaginative capacity to propose the simultaneous existence of the live cat and the dead cat, the possibility (or the universe) of one or more cats refusing to enter the box isn’t considered. And perhaps with the aggravating circumstance that the supposed cat is actually a cat-dog. By pointing out some possibilities, others are omitted. When talking about the capitalist system, the different proposals refer to what can be done to improve the conditions of the cat trapped in the trap, to extend its life (or its chances of life), or to “humanize” the deadly device. This is, let’s say, what progressivism proposes. Definition of progressivism? Well, those who are leftist until the eve of becoming the government and holding a position, a job, a pay-check. Then they stop being leftist, they become official, and they disguise their pragmatism (which leads them to ally and unite with their enemies of the day before—and to distance themselves from their social past) as “political realism”. It is, then, a left which pleases capital. That is, a “cool”, pretty, demure, and blushing right. In this case, progressivism promises, on the eve of the event, to free the cat from its prison. Then, since it can’t or won’t do so, it “changes” its proposal: “I’m going to make you more comfortable”; “I’m going to get better conditions for your death”; “I’m going to fight so that the death mechanism doesn’t activate too quickly”. Or, it can, instead, urge the prisoner to endure, since it has a 50% chance of surviving temporarily. Imprisoned, yes, but alive. * * * The capitalist system is that box. Inside it, multitudes wait, unknowingly, for the murderous mechanism to be activated. Wars, famines, “natural” disasters, violent assaults, murders, government arbitrariness, destruction that will solve the enigma: “to live or to die”? In the box are those who commit the crime of being a woman, a boy or a girl, young, old, ‘otroa’, of dark skin, with an indigenous mode of having a foreign language in their own land, and so on. Their condition, gender, race, ideology, religion, manner, height, or physical build doesn’t matter: that person is inside the box and subject to those deadly laws. Not only without the possibility of escape, but also without even imagining that another world exists out there. The option to delay death or improve the conditions of one’s sentence is submission and acceptance of being part of the showcase of “strange things” that the system displays for its own amusement. Woman, ‘Otroa’, Indigenous, Race, Neighbourhood, Nationality, every “oddity” has its place in the curiosity shop, if it behaves “well”. If not, well, the “invisible hand of the market” will pull the extermination lever. Example: the crime of being born, growing up, and fighting in Palestinian lands is to refuse to be part of capital’s showcase. And to resist and rebel against the machine. The machine wants a recreational centre in Gaza and is hindered by Palestinian civilisation; the Palestinian people fight for a land to live in. Palestine is the best example of the terminal crisis of the so-called “Nation States” and their governments. They don’t command; they only obey at their convenience. They are incapable of presenting an independent, dignified, and consistent foreign policy. And in the ongoing mass murder, the complicity and inaction of the world’s governments (with a few exceptions) is pathetic. The police forces of various European and American governments repressing demonstrations calling for an end to the genocide in Palestine, are the best discourse on Western “humanism”. In the world up above, European governments are the idle and useless court of the reigning king. Russia and China are the counts and dukes plotting regicide and offering an alternate monarch. The rest of the world’s national governments, except for those who have clearly spoken out against it, are busy pages, stressed by the constant demands and harassment of the royal family. Who are the ones watching, operating, being entertained, and placing bets on what happens in the box? Big financial, commercial, industrial, and, now, digital and aerospace capitals. The world’s governments, for the most part, are merely the betting ticket takers, the “brokers” in the stock exchanges where wars are always on the rise, and life down below… on decline. And, as the Mileis that are and will be around the world, they are the ones who are sent to buy and serve the wine that will preside over monarchical banquets (the chainsaw is an autochthonous lining). * * * However, there are those who consider another possibility: not entering the box or leaving it. Furthermore, there are those who question the box itself, its eternal and omnipotent existence; and its claim to be the only universe that tolerates the existence, within it, of diversity, of various universes or multiverses… domesticated. Those people who question that are what we Zapatistas call “resistance and rebellion”. Resistance to enter the box or, if one is inside, Rebellion to fight to get out. Resistance and rebellion that aims at the destruction of the box, the logic that created it, and the belief that “nothing else” is possible. From the mountains of the Mexican Southeast. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Image: rawpixel.com CC0 1.0 The post Of cats and boxes: A paradox of Schrödinger’s paradox appeared first on Freedom News.

ZAPATISTA EDUCATION PROMOTES A RELATIONSHIP WITH KNOWLEDGE BASED ON THE NEEDS AND QUESTIONS OF STUDENTS AND COMMUNITIES  ~  Ana Paula Morel, from Teia Dos Povos ~ In the corn fields of the Lacandon Jungle in Mexico, it used to take three months to harvest; however, with the ecological catastrophe caused by the “capitalist hydra”, the Zapatistas in the region can no longer rely on the old cycle, explained one of the spokesmen for the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN), Subcomandante Moisés. Faced with serious problems like these, the movement organized an educational activity in Chiapas1which brought together scientists from various parts of the world to answer questions and comments from indigenous Mayan communities. The proposal was not, then, that indigenous people leave their lands to go to university, but that the university “rise up in our communities, that it teaches and learns among our people”, commented another deputy commander. Zapatista education is an inspiration for many movements and peoples fighting for autonomy, as it has built an education system based on the self-organisation of communities, the composition of scientific and traditional knowledge, and the common struggle for land. For some years now, the movement has been asking itself a fundamental question for our times: how to fight for autonomy in the face of ecological collapse? One of the principles of Zapatista education is “walking by asking questions”. We must ask or we cannot walk, they say. Activities in autonomous schools usually begin with questions. That is why we also begin with other questions: how can we promote educational practices to face the same collective threat, such as ecological collapse, without disregarding the differences between peoples? Is it possible to weave autonomous education like that of the Zapatistas in other geographies? Can autonomous education be thought of only on a local scale? Is public education related to the fight for autonomy? What kind of freedom does autonomous education defend? Is autonomy as an anti-colonial practice a path of resistance or does it depoliticise educational processes? More than definitively resolving these issues, a much broader and more collective task, we intend to open debates, in dialogue with Zapatista education and, finally, with the challenges and paths of the Web of Peoples. ZAPATISTA EDUCATION  Since 1994, one of the largest popular uprisings in recent history has been underway in the mountains of southeastern Mexico, in Chiapas. Over the past thirty years, the Mayan peoples of the region have practiced self-determination in various spheres of collective life, including education. It is not capital or the state that decides on Zapatista education, but community assemblies, with a strong role for women. Currently, in a context of attacks by paramilitary groups, increased drug trafficking in the region, and threats of development projects in communities by the Mexican government, Zapatista education and the construction of autonomy continue to reinvent themselves. Recently, the movement announced a change in its structures: the hundreds of autonomous municipalities are being replaced by thousands of Local Autonomous Governments, which will be able to directly control their autonomous administrative spaces, including schools. Zapatista education has woven a path full of complexities and potentials, by proposing to reclaim schools based on the struggle for autonomy. The Zapatista autonomous education system is different from the state and private schools in the region. Zapatista educators are indigenous people from the communities who do not lose their connection with the land. They are called promoters of autonomous education, or, in Tzotzil (one of the Mayan languages), jnikesvany, which means the person who moves. The jnikesvany of education move and promote the relationship with knowledge based on the needs and questions of students and communities.  All education promoters are appointed by community assemblies. There is also an education committee (also elected by the community) responsible for guiding and supporting the work of the promoters. Each educator is accountable to the community. At the same time, the community also has its responsibilities: during the time that the promoters dedicate themselves to the community’s educational activities, the community must pay them back directly with corn and beans or with collective work on the educator’s family’s farm.  If, due to its anti-state nature, an unwary observer might imagine some similarity between Zapatista education and the homeschooling proposed by the far right in Brazil, in reality, these proposals are antagonistic. Homeschooling is ultra-privatist and conservative, and it empties out the most collective aspect of education, making socialisation and relationships with different knowledge and worlds impossible. In the opposite direction, Zapatista education expands the relationship between school and collective life and has as one of its guidelines popular self-organisation and the end of private property.  The autonomous schools were a major transformation in the daily life of the Zapatista struggles. Some of the older Zapatistas report terrible experiences in the schools that existed before the 1994 uprising. They say that they attended school for years without understanding what the Spanish-speaking teachers were saying, and that school was always a space devoid of meaning, where they felt oppressed because they were indigenous. In this context of extreme racism and with the end of negotiations with the State in 1997, the Zapatistas definitively decided to form their own educational organisation. The movement then called on its rank and file to withdraw their children from official schools and organise community members to participate in training for future educators. With this call, official schools were replaced by autonomous schools, and in places where there were no schools, new Zapatista schools were built through collective efforts. Some agreements were collectively discussed to guide the autonomous education system: autonomous schools have the community’s mother tongue as their main language and other languages, such as Spanish, are incorporated throughout the educational process; teaching and learning in schools cannot be separated from the community and the land; there are compositions (not necessarily harmonious mixtures) between scientific and traditional knowledge with the struggle for autonomy as a reference; students are not empty vessels who simply receive content from educators; they are active subjects who also participate in decision-making about the education system. Zapatista education is a cry against “banking education” and flourishes in the small steps and silences of communities. As we recently celebrated the centenary of the pedagogue Paulo Freire, an important systematiser of a pedagogy of autonomy, we see how there are reverberations in this experience that takes autonomy in education to its ultimate consequences. Liberation theology, one of the driving forces behind Zapatismo, transformed in Chiapas into Indian theology, is marked by the popular education movements that took over Latin America in the 1960s. This trend was absorbed and transformed by the resistance of the Mayan peoples of the region, producing a powerful critique of capitalism and colonisation.  There is an intense indigenous intellectual movement that occurs underground in the daily lives of Zapatista communities. In their training, Zapatista educators study authors of popular education and Euro-Americans from the classical and contemporary left. They affirm the importance of this study, while at the same time saying that it is not enough to read books; the educational proposal and training also come from their reflection on the lives of the people. The ch’ulel is the “soul”, the breath of life, a force with different levels of intensity, present in all beings on Earth. Trees, rivers, land, animals and humans have ch’ulel , they are in a relationship between subjects, they have value. What happens in the education of those “above” is precisely to teach people to give less value to other beings. It is this mechanism that produces racism and ecocide. Capitalism weakens the ch’ulel of beings; autonomous education is one of the ways to enhance ch’ulel. Even in autonomy, there is no day of complete ch’ulel , but rather a constant walking and asking questions. The pedagogy of walking and asking questions allows schools to become spaces for experimentation and strengthening struggles, where communities gain a central place, where one must give oneself completely to learn not only with one’s head. To teach and learn, one must belong to the land. The land, a fundamental demand of the movement since the 1994 uprising, would not be just an inert resource, but is the foundation of the gods (yajval ) and of collective life. CURRENT CHALLENGES AND THE WEB OF PEOPLES During the celebration of the 30th anniversary of the Zapatista uprising, along with a big party with dancing and music, a speech was given by the Zapatista command – or rather, by the subcommand, since the people are in charge in Zapatista territory. Subcommandant Moisés issued a warning to the youth: given the harsher context they are living in, there is no model or formula; a lot of collective practice is needed. The defence of common life was a recurring theme in his speech. It is necessary to defend common life, collective organisation, and the land, which is not just a local struggle: “it is not possible to humanise capitalism”, “those who come from outside need to organise themselves from different geographies”, he said.  The territorial dimension of Zapatista autonomy and its educational system is not equivalent to defending a self-sufficient struggle. Given the ecological collapse we are experiencing, it is even more clear how a fire caused by agribusiness in a territory in Brazil has consequences for the people in Mexico, just as the development project of the Maya Train has effects on the lives of the people in Brazil. Therefore, it is very important to think about educational practices based on connections between different struggles and geographies. As the Zapatista educator Emiliano said: “Zapatismo does not seek to be a model that everyone must follow in the same way, but is a call for peoples to fight in their own way, with their different geographies”. Although the Zapatistas are an inspiration, we should not use the autonomous Zapatista educational system as the sole measure to assess whether other movements are in fact autonomous, either because they resort to public policies or because they do not share autonomous strategies in all spheres of collective life. With such a stance, we would run the risk of disqualifying educational and struggle processes that are not completely equivalent to Zapatista autonomy, but which are resistances for autonomy.  The land repossessions with the enchanted Tupinambá of Olivença and Pataxós Hã Hã Hãe in southern Bahia, the self-demarcation of Munduruku lands in Pará, among many other examples, demonstrate how the territorial struggle of the peoples has an educational character. In this way, the Web of Peoples argues that the transition from land to territory involves a formative dimension anchored in the resumption of the capacity to act collectively based on the struggle for land: “Our perspective is not to demand the concession of plots of land from the State. It is essential that the people themselves conquer the lands because it is from the struggle that all the symbolism that will transform the land into territory is born” (Ferreira & Felício, 2021, p. 44). This does not mean, however, that autonomy is absolute; there are many spaces for coexistence with the State in the territories articulated in the Web of Peoples.  In the case of the Terra Vista Settlement in southern Bahia, for example, there are two public schools, one municipal and one state, which, with their contradictions and potential, are important spaces for education and dialogue with the movement and the community. In addition, there is the Universidade dos Povos, the educational front of Teia, which seeks to promote pedagogical sovereignty through libertarian education, based on the worldview of the people, the principles of agroecology, traditional knowledge and the struggle for land and territory. Calling this initiative a “University” is a provocation that subverts the conventional notion of university, in an experiment to strengthen and deepen the knowledge of the people.  There are considerable challenges in this process. Capitalism and colonialism often produce a notion of autonomy that is confused with the supposed freedom of the individual. This perspective is even present in activist spaces. Along with this, there is a concept of “decoloniality” that is empty and depoliticised. In identifying this problem, the Aymara libertarian thinker Silvia Cusicanqui proposes a distinction between decoloniality and the anti-colonial struggle: Since colonial times, there have been processes of anti-colonial struggle; on the other hand, decolonialism is a very recent fashion that, in some way, takes advantage of and reinterprets these processes of struggle, but I believe that it depoliticises them, since decolonialism is a state or a situation, but it is not an activity, it does not imply agency, nor conscious participation. I put the anti-colonial struggle into practice in facts, in some way, delegitimising all forms of objectification and the ornamental use of the indigenous that makes up the State. In addition to the depoliticising decolonial, educational activities for the anti-colonial struggle are underway, in the sense proposed by Silvia Cusicanqui. One path is discussed by Mestra Mayá, author of the second book released by Teia dos Povos. She tells how she became a teacher who educated in the land reclamations with the enchanted: Parents would go to the retakes and carry their children, and what I had to do was go. I had 396 classrooms. And I participated in all 396 retakes. (…) I would go there and ask the children if they knew why they were in that place. That way, we were learning and rewriting our history. For the author, the pedagogy of repossessions involves collectively telling and retelling the stories of the people who were dispossessed. In the history of colonization on the continent, the class struggle is a struggle for land, marked by violent appropriation. Educational work of repossessions is necessary to learn from the Earth, keeping alive the spirit linked by the enchanted in a guerrilla war that is constantly updated: We may be having a lot of difficulty with the struggle. When we put our feet on the ground, our ears to the ground, when we feel the groaning of the earth, hear its call, we know how we will follow our steps, because we are listening. The call of Mestra Maya and the inspiration of the Zapatista autonomous education system point to an education focused on belonging to the land, but which is not synonymous with defending a merely local struggle or an identity. One of the challenges of pedagogical sovereignty is precisely to build autonomy based on interdependence: interdependence between human beings and more-than-humans who inhabit the Earth; between different types of knowledge to face ecological collapse. Interdependence is contrary to the dependence generated by capitalism that divides and takes away the capacity to act collectively. The education of students based on the dependence characteristic of vertical practices of banking education expresses the logic of the social structure of oppression and triggers curricular policies and practices that legitimize a supposed universal common good, by concealing popular knowledge and social contradictions. Autonomous education as a path to interdependence enables unity: an articulation that does not lead to homogenization, as proposed by the Web, or the struggle for a world where many worlds fit, as the Zapatistas proclaim. Debating these and other challenges collectively becomes increasingly urgent in the face of the fire that is destroying the lands of peoples here and there. We conclude with a final question that Zapatismo constantly provokes: “¿Y tu, qué?” (And you, what are you going to do?). The post Education and autonomy in times of ecological collapse appeared first on Freedom News.

SOCIAL MOVEMENTS DENOUNCE MURDER OF MEXICAN PRIEST AS CONFLICT INTENSIFIES WITH STATE-COMPLICIT CARTELS ~ Mateo Sgambati ~ Amid reports of attacks against Zapatista communities in southeast Mexico, an activist Jesuit priest who denounced the drug cartels has been murdered. Marcelo Perez, a priest who was known for the defending the rights of Indigenous communities, was gunned down in the city of San Cristobal de las Casas on 20 October just after he led a Sunday service. According to the newspaper La Jornada, the priest had a price put on his head by the drug cartels operating along the Guatemalan border, often with full complicity of the local police and politicians. Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) had ordered the Mexican State to take precautionary measures in his case, which were not complied with, and the prosecutor’s office knew who intended to kill him. Perez was quoted as having said, “I know that at any moment something could happen to me. But my faith is greater than my death. It’s worth risking my life for peace”. Meanwhile, inhabitants of the lands recovered by the Zapatistas in one of the local autonomous government areas have been subject to attacks and threats from residents of a neighbouring community, supported by the Chiapas state government. In response to the escalation of threats, Subcomandante Insurgente Moisés has announced the possibility of canceling the series of International Meetings of Rebellions and Resistances: The Storm and the Day After, previously scheduled for late December of this year and early January 2025, as they do not believe there is security for attendees in any area of Chiapas. Ever since the Zapatista uprising won the autonomy for Mexico’s indigenous peoples through the San Andrés Accords of 1996, a counterinsurgency war has been ongoing in the south-east region against the Zapatista communities. However, violence within the state of Chiapas has intensified in recent years. Multiple attempts have been made to draw the attention of federal authorities to the fact that Chiapas is on the verge of civil war. Kidnappings, murders, threats, and blockades are widespread throughout the state. Clashes between different cartels continue without interruption in regions that form the last frontier in Mexican territory before reaching Guatemala, where Indigenous groups denounce the collusion of state authorities with organised crime groups. The post Escalation in Chiapas: Priest assassinated, attacks on Zapatista communities appeared first on Freedom News.