BRUSSELS — The European Commission on Wednesday unveiled a €90 billion loan to Ukraine aimed at saving it from financial collapse as it continues to battle Russia while aid from the U.S. dries up. About one-third of the cash will be used for normal budget expenditures and the rest will go to defense — although countries still need to formally agree to what extent Ukraine can use the money to buy weapons from outside the EU. A Commission proposal gives EU defense firms preferential treatment but allows Ukraine to buy foreign weapons if they aren’t immediately available in Europe. While the loan is interest-free for Ukraine, it is forecast to cost EU taxpayers between €3 billion and €4 billion a year in borrowing costs from 2028. The EU had to resort to the loan after an earlier effort to use sanctioned Russian frozen assets ran into opposition from Belgium. The race is now on for EU lawmakers to agree on a final legal text that’ll pave the way for disbursements in April, when Ukraine’s war chest runs out. Meetings between EU treasury and defense officials are already planned for Friday. The European Parliament could fast-track the loan as early as next week. The financing package is also crucial for unlocking additional loans to Ukraine from the International Monetary Fund. The Washington-based Fund wants to ensure Kyiv’s finances aren’t overstretched, as the war enters its fifth year next month. The €90 billion will be paid out over the next two years, as Moscow shows no sign of slowing down its offensive on Ukraine despite U.S.-led efforts to agree on a ceasefire. “Russia shows no sign of abating, no sign of remorse, no sign of seeking peace,” Commission President Ursula von der Leyen told reporters after presenting the proposal. “We all want peace for Ukraine, and for that, Ukraine must be in a position of strength.” When EU leaders agreed on the loan, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy called the deal an “unprecedented decision, and it will also have an impact on the peace negotiations.” Adding to the pressure on the EU, the U.S. under President Donald Trump has halted new military and financial aid to Ukraine, leaving it up to Europe to ensure Kyiv can continue fighting. Once the legal text is agreed, the EU will raise joint debt to finance the initiative, although the governments in the Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovakia said they will not participate in the funding drive.  The conditions on military spending are splitting EU countries. Paris is demanding strict rules to prevent money from flowing to U.S. weapons manufacturers, while Germany and other Northern European countries want to give Ukraine greater flexibility on how to spend the cash, pointing out that some key systems needed by Ukraine aren’t manufactured in Europe. MEETING HALFWAY The Commission has put forward a compromise proposal — seen by POLITICO. It gives preferential treatment to defense companies based in the EU, Ukraine and neighboring countries, including Norway, Iceland and Liechtenstein, but doesn’t rule out purchases from abroad. To keep the Northern European capitals happy, the Commission’s proposal allows Ukraine to buy specialized weapons produced outside the EU if they are vital for Kyiv’s defense against Russian forces. These include the U.S. Patriot long-range missile and air defense systems. The rules could be bent further in cases “where there is an urgent need for a given defense product” that can’t be delivered quickly from within Europe. Weapons aren’t considered European if more than 35 percent of their parts come from outside the continent, according to the draft. That’s in line with previous EU defense-financing initiatives, such as the €150 billion SAFE loans-for-weapons program. Two other legal texts are included in the legislative package. One proposes using the upper borrowing limit in the current budget to guarantee the loan. The other is designed to tweak the Ukraine Facility, a 2023 initiative that governs the bloc’s long-term financial support to Kyiv. The Commission will also create a new money pot to cover the borrowing costs before the new EU budget enters into force in 2028. RUSSIAN COLLATERAL Ukraine only has to repay the €90 billion loan if it receives post-war reparations from Russia — an unlikely scenario. If this doesn’t happen, the EU has left the door open to tapping frozen Russian state assets across the bloc to pay itself back. Belgium’s steadfast opposition to leveraging the frozen assets, most of which are based in the Brussels-based financial depository Euroclear, promises to make that negotiation difficult. However, the Commission can indefinitely roll over its debt by issuing eurobonds until it finds the necessary means to pay off the loan. The goal is to ensure Ukraine isn’t left holding the bill. “The Union reserves its right to use the cash balances from immobilized Russian assets held in the EU to repay the Ukraine Support Loan,” Economy Commissioner Valdis Dombrovskis said alongside von der Leyen. “Supporting Ukraine is a litmus test for Europe. The outcome of Russia’s brutal war of aggression against Ukraine will determine Europe’s future.” Jacopo Barigazzi contributed to this report from Brussels.

Croatia, Estonia, Finland, Latvia, Lithuania and Portugal will face off for the European Central Bank’s No. 2 job, according to a statement from the Council of the EU. The crowded race for the vice presidency kickstarts a wider battle for a seat on the ECB’s coveted six-person executive board, the eurozone’s most powerful forum for economic and monetary policy. Four of the seats, including the presidency itself, will become vacant over the next two years. Competition will be fierce, as the eurozone’s largest economies will seek to maintain their influence on the board, leaving smaller countries with fewer seats to fight over. Eurozone finance ministers are set to pick the winner behind closed doors in a secret ballot when they meet in Brussels for this month’s Eurogroup meeting on Jan. 19. The winner will need at least 16 votes from the 21 ministers, representing around 65 percent of the eurozone’s population. Eurozone leaders formally propose the candidate to succeed the outgoing vice president, Luis de Guindos, whose eight-year term ends on May 31. The European Parliament and the ECB are entitled to an opinion about the final pick. Northern European applicants make up the bulk of the contenders, with Finland’s central banker, Olli Rehn, facing competition from Baltic neighbors. These include his central banking peers, Estonia’s Madis Müller and Latvia’s Mārtiņš Kazāks. Lithuania’s former finance minister, Rimantas Šadžius, completes the Baltic round-up. The other two applicants come from Southern Europe: Portugal’s ex-Eurogroup president, Mário Centeno, and the Croatian central bank governor, Boris Vujčić. The candidates are tentatively scheduled to face questions from MEPs behind closed doors before finance ministers meet on Jan. 19.

Bulgaria joined the eurozone on January 1, becoming the currency union’s 21st member. The euro replaced the Bulgarian lev, with a final exchange rate set at 1 euro = 1,96 levs as of Dec. 31. President Rumen Radev said in his New Year’s statement: “The introduction of the euro is the final milestone in Bulgaria’s integration into the European Union — a place that we deserve with the achievements of our millennial culture and the civilizational contribution of our country.” The Bulgarian central bank’s governor, Dimitar Radev, has taken a seat on the table with the Governing Council of the European Central Bank. “I warmly welcome Bulgaria to the euro family and Governor Radev to the ECB Governing Council table in Frankfurt,” ECB President Christine Lagarde said in a statement on Thursday. People will still be able to pay in levs for about a month, but they will start getting their change in euros. Until June 30, old money can be exchanged for no fee at banks and post offices, and indefinitely at the Bulgarian Central Bank. Public opinion, however, remains mixed. According to a Eurobarometer poll from March, 53 percent of 1,017 Bulgarians surveyed opposed joining the eurozone, while 45 percent were in favor. A majority also felt Bulgaria was not ready to introduce the euro. The main fear was concern over “abusive price setting during the changeover.”  Bulgaria joined the European Union on January 1, 2007. In an official EU survey from May, 58 percent of Bulgarians said the country has benefited from its EU membership.

HOW DO BULGARIANS FEEL ABOUT JOINING THE EURO? The Balkan nation is sharply divided about bidding farewell to the lev.  Text by BORYANA DZHAMBAZOVA Photos by DOBRIN KASHAVELOV in Pernik, Bulgaria Bulgaria is set to adopt the EU’s single currency on Jan. 1, but polling shows the Balkan nation is sharply divided on whether it’s a good thing. POLITICO spoke to some Bulgarians about their fears and hopes, as they say goodbye to their national currency, the lev. Their comments have been edited for length. ANTON TEOFILOV, 73 Vendor at the open-air market in Pernik, a small city 100 kilometers from Sofia What do you think about Bulgaria joining the eurozone? We are a different generation, but we support the euro. We’ll benefit hugely from joining the eurozone. It will make paying anywhere in the EU easy and hassle-free. It would be great for both the economy and the nation. You can travel, do business, do whatever you want using a single currency — no more hassle or currency exchanges. You can go to Greece and buy a bottle of ouzo with the same currency. What do you think will change in your everyday life once the euro replaces the lev? I don’t expect any turbulence — from January on we would just pay in euros. No one is complaining about the price tags in euros, and in lev at the moment. Are you more hopeful or worried about the economic impact of switching to the euro? Why? The lev is a wonderful thing, but its time has passed; that’s just how life works. It will be much better for the economy to adopt the euro. It will be so much easier to share a common currency with the other EU countries. Now, if you go to Greece, as many Bulgarians do, you need to exchange money. After January – wherever you need to make a payment – either going to the store, or to buy produce for our business, it would be one and the same. What would you like politicians and institutions to do to make the transition easier for ordinary people? The state needs to explain things more clearly to those who are confused. We are a people who often need a lot of convincing, and on top of that, we’re a divided nation. If you ask me, we need to get rid of half the MPs in Parliament – they receive hefty salaries and are a burden to taxpayers, like parasites, without doing any meaningful work. Do you think joining the eurozone will bring Bulgaria closer to Europe culturally or politically? There are 27 member states, and we will become one with them. There will be no difference between Germany and us—we’ll be much closer to Europe. I remember the 1990s, when you needed to fill out endless paperwork just to travel, let alone to work abroad. I spent a year working in construction in Germany, and getting all the permits and visas was a major headache. Now things are completely different, and joining the eurozone is another step toward that openness. Advertisement PETYA SPASOVA, 55 Orthopedic doctor in Sofia What do you think about Bulgaria joining the eurozone? It worries me a lot. I don’t think this is the right moment for Bulgaria to join the eurozone. First, the country is politically very unstable, and the eurozone itself faces serious problems. As the poorest EU member state, we won’t be immune to those issues. On the contrary, they will only deepen the crisis here. The war in Ukraine, the growing debt in Germany and France … now we’d be sharing the debts of the whole of Europe. We are adopting the euro at a time when economies are strained, and that will lead to serious disruptions and a higher cost of living. I don’t understand why the state insists so strongly on joining the eurozone. I don’t think we’re ready. What do you think will change in your everyday life once the euro replaces the lev? Even now, when you go to the store and look at the price of bread or other basic foods, we see prices climbing. I’m afraid many people will end up living in extreme poverty. We barely produce anything; we’re a country built on services. When people get poorer, they naturally start consuming less. I’m not worried about myself or my family. We live in Sofia, where there are more job opportunities and higher salaries. I’m worried about people in general. Every day I see patients who can’t even afford the travel costs to come to Sofia for medical check-ups. Are you more hopeful or worried about the economic impact of switching to the euro? Why? I’m extremely worried. I don’t want to relive the economic crisis of the 90s, when the country was on the verge of bankruptcy. What would you like politicians and institutions to do to make the transition easier for ordinary people? No one cares what people think. Many countries held referendums and decided not to join the eurozone. I don’t believe our politicians can do anything at this point. I’m not even sure they know what needs to be done. Do you think joining the eurozone will bring Bulgaria closer to Europe culturally or politically? I feel offended when I hear this question. We’ve been part of Europe for a very long time, long before many others. We can exchange best practices in culture, science, education, and more, but that has nothing to do with the eurozone. Joining can only bring trouble. I remember years ago when I actually hoped Bulgaria would enter the eurozone. But that was a different Europe. Now things are deteriorating; the spirit of a united Europe is gone. I don’t want to be part of this Europe. Advertisement SVETOSLAV BONINSKI, 53 Truck driver from Gabrovo, a small city in central Bulgaria What do you think about Bulgaria joining the eurozone? I’m against Bulgaria joining the eurozone. We saw how Croatia and Greece sank into debt once they adopted the euro. I don’t want Bulgaria to go down the same path. Greece had to take a huge loan to bail out its economy. When they still had the drachma, their economy was strong and stable. After entering the eurozone, many big companies were forced to shut down and inflation went through the roof. Even the German economy is experiencing a downturn.. What do you think will change in your everyday life once the euro replaces the lev? I worry that there will be speculation and rising inflation. Five years ago, I used to buy cigarettes in Slovakia at prices similar to Bulgaria. Now I can’t find anything cheaper than €5 per pack. They saw their prices rise after the introduction of the euro. We’ll repeat the Slovakia scenario. Are you more hopeful or worried about the economic impact of switching to the euro? Why? We can already feel that things won’t end well — prices have gone up significantly, just like in Croatia. I’m afraid that even in the first year wages won’t be able to compensate for the rise in prices, and people will become even more impoverished. I expect the financial situation to worsen. Our government isn’t taking any responsibility for that. What would you like politicians and institutions to do to make the transition easier for ordinary people? I hope they will make an effort. We are completely ill-equipped to adopt the euro—all the stats and figures the government presents are lies. We must wait until the country is ready to manage the euro as a currency. We’re doing fine with the lev. We should wait for the economy to grow and for wages to catch up with the rest of Europe. The only thing the state could do to ease the process is to step down. The current government is interested in entering the eurozone only to receive large amounts of funding, most of which they will probably pocket themselves. The Bulgarian lev is very stable, unlike the euro, which is quite an unstable currency. All the eurozone countries are burdened with trillions in debt, while those outside it are doing quite well. Do you think joining the eurozone will bring Bulgaria closer to Europe culturally or politically? I don’t think so. We’ve been part of Europe for a long time. The only difference now will be that Brussels will tell us what to do and will control our budget and spending. Brussels will be in charge from now on. No good awaits us. Elderly people won’t receive decent pensions and will work until we drop dead. Advertisement NATALI ILIEVA, 20 Political science student from Pernik What do you think about Bulgaria joining the eurozone? I see it as a step forward for us. It’s a positive development for both society and the country. I expect that joining the eurozone will help the economy grow and position Bulgaria more firmly within Europe. For ordinary people, it will make things easier, especially when traveling, since we’ll be using the same currency. What do you think will change in your everyday life once the euro replaces the lev? The transition period might be difficult at first. I don’t think the change of currency will dramatically affect people’s daily lives – after all, under the currency board, the lev has been pegged to the euro for years. Some people are worried that prices might rise, and this is where the state must step in to monitor the situation, prevent abuse, and make the transition as smooth as possible. As part of my job at the youth center, I travel a lot in Europe. Being part of the eurozone would make travel much more convenient. My life would be so much easier! I wouldn’t have to worry about carrying euros in cash or paying additional fees when withdrawing money abroad, or wondering: Did I take the right debit card in euros? Are you more hopeful or worried about the economic impact of switching to the euro? Why? I’m more concerned that the issue will be politicized by certain parties to further polarize society. Joining the eurozone is a logical next step – we agreed to it by default when we joined the bloc in 2007. There is so much disinformation circulating on social media that it’s hard for some people to see the real facts and distinguish what’s true from what’s not. What would you like politicians and institutions to do to make the transition easier for ordinary people? The state needs to launch an information campaign to make the transition as smooth as possible. Authorities should explain what the change of currency means for people in a clear and accessible way. You don’t need elaborate language to communicate what’s coming, especially when some radical parties are aggressively spreading anti-euro and anti-EU rhetoric. Do you think joining the eurozone will bring Bulgaria closer to Europe culturally or politically? Yes, I think it will help the country become better integrated into Europe. In the end, I believe people will realize that joining the eurozone will be worth it. Advertisement YANA TANKOVSKA, 47 Jewelry artist based in Sofia What do you think about Bulgaria joining the eurozone? If you ask me, the eurozone is on the verge of collapse, and now we have decided to join? I don’t think it’s a good idea. In theory, just like communism, the idea of a common currency union might sound good, but in practice it doesn’t really work out. I have friends working and living abroad [in eurozone countries], and things are not looking up for regular people, even in Germany. We all thought we would live happily as members of the bloc, but that’s not the reality. What do you think will change in your everyday life once the euro replaces the lev? I expect the first half of next year to be turbulent. But we are used to surviving, so we will adapt yet again. Personally, we might have to trim some expenses, go out less, and make sure the family budget holds. I make jewelry, so I’m afraid I’ll have fewer clients, since they will also have to cut back. Are you more hopeful or worried about the economic impact of switching to the euro? Why? I’m terribly worried. The state promises there won’t be a jump in prices and that joining the eurozone won’t negatively affect the economy. But over the past two years the cost of living has risen significantly, and I don’t see that trend reversing. For example, in the last three years real estate prices have doubled. There isn’t a single person who isn’t complaining about rising costs. What would you like politicians and institutions to do to make the transition easier for ordinary people? There is nothing they can do at this point. Politicians do not really protect Bulgaria’s interests on this matter. The issue is not only about joining the eurozone but about protecting our national interests. I just want them to have people’s well-being at heart. Maybe we need to hit rock bottom to finally see meaningful change. Do you think joining the eurozone will bring Bulgaria closer to Europe culturally or politically? Not really. That’s up to us, not to Europe. I just want Bulgarian politicians to finally start creating policies for the sake of society, not just enriching themselves, to act in a way that would improve life for everyone. Advertisement KATARINA NIKOLIC, 49, AND METODI METODIEV, 53 Business partners at a ‘gelateria’ in Sofia What do you think about Bulgaria joining the eurozone? Metodi: For a small business like ours, I don’t think it will make much difference, as long as the transition to the new currency is managed smoothly. I can only see a positive impact on the economy if things are done right. I’m a bit saddened to say farewell to the Bulgarian lev — it’s an old currency with its own history — but times are changing, and this is a natural step for an EU member. Katarina: I have lived in Italy which adopted the euro a long time ago. Based on my experience there, I don’t expect any worrying developments related to price increases or inflation. On the contrary, joining the eurozone in January can only be interpreted as a sign of trust from the European Commission and could bring more economic stability to Bulgaria. I also think it will increase transparency, improve financial supervision, and provide access to cheaper loans. What do you think will change in your everyday life once the euro replaces the lev? Metodi:  I don’t think there will be any difference for our business whether we’re paying in euros or in leva. We’ve been an EU member state for a while now and we’re used to working with both local and international suppliers. It will just take some getting used to switching to one currency for another. But we are already veterans — Bulgarian businesses are very adaptive — from dealing with renominations and all sorts of economic reforms. I’m just concerned that it might be challenging for some elderly people to adapt to the new currency and they might need some support and more information. Katarina: For many people, it will take time to get used to seeing a new currency, but they will adapt. For me, it’s nothing new. Since I lived in Italy, where the euro is used, I automatically convert to euros whenever Metodi and I discuss business. Are you more hopeful or worried about the economic impact of switching to the euro? Why? Metodi: The decision has already been taken, so let’s make the best of it and ensure a smooth transition. I haven’t exchanged money when traveling in at least 10 years. I just use my bank card to pay or withdraw cash if I need any. Katarina: I remember that some people in Italy also predicted disaster when the euro was introduced, and many were nostalgic about the lira. But years later, Italy is still a stable economy. I think our international partners will look at us differently once we are part of the eurozone. Advertisement What would you like politicians and institutions to do to make the transition easier for ordinary people? Metodi: I think the authorities are already taking measures to make sure prices don’t rise and that businesses don’t round conversions upward unfairly. For example, we may have to slightly increase the price of our ice cream in January. I feel a bit awkward about it because I don’t want people to say, “Look, they’re taking advantage of the euro adoption to raise prices.” But honestly, we haven’t adjusted our prices since we opened three years ago. I’m actually very impressed by how quickly and smoothly small businesses and market sellers have adopted double pricing [marking prices in lev and euros]. I know how much work that requires, especially if you’re a small business owner. Katarina: It’s crucial that the state doesn’t choke small businesses with excessive demands but instead supports them. I believe that helping small businesses grow should be a key focus of the government, not just supervising the currency swap. My hope is that the euro will help the Bulgarian economy thrive. I love Bulgaria and want to see it flourish. I’m a bit more optimistic than Metodi, I think the best is yet to come. Do you think joining the eurozone will bring Bulgaria closer to Europe culturally or politically? Metodi: I think so. Despite some criticism, good things are happening in the country, no matter who is in power. We need this closeness to truly feel part of Europe. Katarina: The euro is a financial and economic instrument. Adopting it won’t change national cultural identity, Bulgarians will keep their culture. I’m a true believer in Europe, and I think it’s more important than ever to have a united continent. As an Italian and Serbian citizen, I really appreciate that borders are open and that our children can choose where to study and work. In fact, our gelateria is a great example of international collaboration: we have people from several different countries in the team.

BRUSSELS — Diplomats are working on a long-shot 11th-hour compromise to salvage a deal on sending vital financial aid to Ukraine at Thursday’s high-stakes EU leaders’ summit. On Wednesday evening Europe’s leaders were split into irreconcilable camps, at least publicly, and seemed unlikely to agree on how to fund Kyiv, thanks partly to the reemergence of the same bitter north-south divisions over joint debt that torpedoed EU unity during the eurozone crisis. Only a few hours before the 27 leaders gather in Brussels, two opposing groups are crossing swords over whether to issue a loan to Ukraine based on frozen Russian central bank reserves, largely held by the Euroclear bank in Belgium. Germany along with Nordic and Eastern European countries say there is no alternative to that scheme. But they are running into hardening resistance from Belgium and Italy, which are gunning for Plan B: Support for Kyiv based on EU debt guaranteed by the bloc’s common budget. Bulgaria, Malta, Hungary and Slovakia are also against the use of the assets. In a stark illustration of the schism, Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni said on Wednesday she would use the Council meeting to demand answers on the “possible risks” of leveraging the assets, while German Chancellor Friedrich Merz doubled down on the assets plan “to help end this war as quickly as possible.” ESCAPE PLAN The first contours of a potential route out of the impasse — one that would have to be hashed out during hours of negotiations — are beginning to take shape. European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen cautiously opened the door to joint debt on Wednesday morning during a speech at the European Parliament in Strasbourg. “I proposed two different options for this upcoming European Council, one based on assets and one based on EU borrowing. And we will have to decide which way we want to take,” she said. The key to such a plan would be carving Hungary and Slovakia — which both oppose giving further aid to Ukraine — out of the joint debt scheme, four EU diplomats told POLITICO. A deal could still be agreed at the Council among the 27 EU countries, but the ultimate arrangement would stipulate that only 25 would be involved in the funding. Agreeing such a scheme would give a crucial lifeline to Ukraine’s shattered public finances as its coffers risk running dry as early as next April. Hungary’s Viktor Orbán is already predicting the assets will not be discussed in Brussels, and that negotiations have shifted to joint loans. Multiple diplomats, however, retorted that Orbán was wrong and that the Russian assets were still “the only game in town.” CRUNCH TIME Despite growing political pressure on the EU to prove it can rise to meet the existential challenges facing Ukraine, diplomats from the rival camps were often skeptical on Wednesday that a compromise could be found. The idea of EU joint debt has for years been anathema to the northern member countries, who have been unwilling to underwrite bonds for highly indebted southern countries. “The closest [situations] to what’s happening now with frozen assets are the 2012-2013 financial crisis and Greece’s bailout in 2015,” said a senior EU diplomat who, like others quoted in this story, was granted anonymity to speak freely. With respect to the Ukraine war, the northerners deny they oppose the use of eurobonds over concerns about the solvency of other EU countries, but argue they prefer the assets because they would provide a greater long-term cash infusion to Ukraine. “This is not about frugals versus spenders. It’s about being pro-Ukraine or not,” said a second EU diplomat, adding that northern and eastern European countries have taken the lead in bankrolling Ukraine’s war needs over the past four years. BACKING THE BELGIANS Despite weeks of painstaking negotiations over the assets, efforts to bring Belgium around are backfiring. The country adamantly opposes using the Russian money held by Euroclear in Brussels, and has now attracted allies. “[The Commission] created a monster, and they’ve been eaten by it,” said a third EU diplomat, referring to the assets plan. Germany and its allies, however, warn there is still no alternative to targeting the Euroclear money. “If you want to do something together as Europeans, the reparations loan is the only way,” a fourth EU diplomat said. The idea behind the assets-based loan is that Kyiv would not have to repay it unless Moscow coughs up the billions-worth of reparations needed to rebuild Ukraine’s pulverized cities — an unlikely scenario. Belgian Prime Minister Bart De Wever is expected to push the Commission to explore joint debt during Thursday’s summit of EU leaders — in the hope that others around the table will echo his demands. His supporters claim the model “is cheaper and offers more clarity,” said a fifth EU diplomat. But critics point out it will also require the political blessing of Hungary’s pro-Russia Prime Minister Orbán — who has repeatedly threatened to torpedo further financial aid to Kyiv. The impasse would require the Commission to concoct a workaround to keep Ukraine afloat while allowing Orbán to save face, according to the four EU diplomats. In exchange for his support the Commission could spare Hungarian and Slovak taxpayers from having to pay for Ukraine’s defense.   “The Commission now pushes joint loans, but we will not let our families foot the bill for Ukraine’s war,” Orbán wrote on X on Wednesday afternoon. He added that “Russian assets will not be on the table at tomorrow’s EUCO [European Council].” However, a senior EU official was quick to reject the Hungarian leader’s claim that the Russian reserves were no longer in play. “The reparations loan is still very much on the table,” they said. Bjarke Smith-Meyer, Gabriel Gavin and Gerardo Fortuna contributed to this report

Less than 24 hours before EU leaders descend on Brussels for vital talks on financing Ukraine’s war effort, Belgium believes negotiations are going in reverse. “We are going backward,” Belgium’s EU ambassador, Peter Moors, told his peers on Wednesday during closed-door talks, according to two diplomats present at the meeting. The European Commission and EU officials are in a race against time to appease Belgian concerns over a €210 billion financing package for Ukraine that leverages frozen Russian state assets across the bloc. Belgium’s support is crucial, as the lion’s share of frozen assets lies in the Brussels-based financial depository Euroclear. Bart De Wever, the country’s prime minister, refuses to get on board until the other EU governments provide substantial financial and legal safeguards that protect Euroclear and his government from Russian retaliation — at home and abroad. One of the most sensitive issues for Belgium is placing a lid on the financial guarantees that currently stand at €210 billion. Belgium believes that the guarantees provided by other EU countries should have no limits in order to protect them under any scenario. Talks looked to be going in the right direction. The Belgians backed a Commission pitch for EU capitals to cough up as much as possible in financial guarantees against the Ukrainian package — only for Belgium’s ambassador to drop a bombshell at the end of the meeting. “I just don’t know anymore,” one diplomat said, on condition of anonymity in order to speak freely. A spokesperson for the Belgian permanent representation declined to comment. Another key demand from Belgium is that all EU countries end their bilateral investment treaties with Russia to ensure Belgium isn’t left alone to deal with retaliation from Moscow. But to Belgium’s annoyance, several countries are reluctant to do so over fears of retribution from the Kremlin. Moors said during the meeting that any decision on the use of the assets will have to be taken by De Wever, according to an EU diplomat. Belgium is pushing the Commission to explore alternative options to finance Ukraine, such as issuing joint debt — a position that’s gained traction with Bulgaria, Italy, and Malta. European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen cautiously opened the door to joint debt during a speech at the European Parliament in Strasbourg on Wednesday morning. “I proposed two different options for this upcoming European Council, one based on assets and one based on EU borrowing. And we will have to decide which way we want to take,” she said. But joint debt requires unanimous support, unlikely given Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s threats to veto further EU aid to Kyiv.  Moors proposed a possible workaround on Tuesday by suggesting triggering an emergency clause — known as Article 122 — that would nullify the veto threat. The Commission and Council’s lawyers rebuffed the Belgian pitch at the same meeting, saying it was not legally viable. The idea was first proposed by the president of the European Central Bank, Christine Lagarde, during a dinner of finance ministers last week, but has been challenged by Northern European countries. De Wever is expected to suggest this option during the meeting of EU leaders on Thursday.

ATHENS — The country that almost got kicked out of the eurozone is now running the powerful EU body that rescued it from bankruptcy. Greece’s finance minister, Kyriakos Pierrakakis, on Thursday beat Belgian Deputy Prime Minister Vincent Van Peteghem in a two-horse race for the Eurogroup presidency. Although an informal forum for eurozone finance ministers, the post has proved pivotal in overcoming crises — notably the sovereign debt crisis, which resulted in three bailouts of the Greek government. That was 10 years ago, when Pierrakakis’ predecessor described the Eurogroup as a place fit only for psychopaths. Today, Athens presents itself as a poster child of fiscal prudence after dramatically reducing its debt pile to around 147 percent of its economic output — albeit still the highest tally in the eurozone. “My generation was shaped by an existential crisis that revealed the power of resilience, the cost of complacency, the necessity of reform, and the strategic importance of European solidarity,” Pierrakakis wrote in his motivational letter for the job. “Our story is not only national; it is deeply European.” Few diplomats initially expected the 42-year-old computer scientist and political economist to win the race to lead the Eurogroup after incumbent Paschal Donohoe’s shock resignation last month. Belgium’s Van Peteghem could boast more experience and held a great deal of respect within the eurozone, setting him up as the early favorite to win. But Belgium’s continued reluctance to back the European Commission’s bid to use the cash value of frozen Russian assets to finance a €165 billion reparations loan to Ukraine ultimately contributed to Van Peteghem’s defeat. NOT TYPICAL Pierrakakis isn’t a typical member of the center-right ruling New Democracy party, which belongs to the European People’s Party. His political background is a socialist one, having served as an advisor to the centre-left PASOK party from 2009, when Greece plunged into financial crisis. He was even one of the Greek technocrats negotiating with the country’s creditors. The Harvard and MIT graduate joined New Democracy to support Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis’ bid for the party leadership in 2015, because he felt that they shared a political vision. Pierrakakis got his big political break when New Democracy won the national election in 2019, after four years of serving as a director of the research and policy institute diaNEOsis. He was named minister of digital governance, overseeing Greece’s efforts to modernize the country’s creaking bureaucracy, adopting digital solutions for everything from Cabinet meetings to medical prescriptions. Those efforts made him one of the most popular ministers in the Greek cabinet — so much so that Pierrakakis is often touted as Mitsotakis’ likely successor for the party leadership in the Greek press. Few diplomats initially expected the 42-year-old computer scientist and political economist to win the race to lead the Eurogroup after incumbent Paschal Donohoe’s shock resignation last month. | Nicolas Economou/Getty Images After the re-election of New Democracy in 2023, Pierrakakis took over the Education Ministry, where he backed controversial legislation that paved the way for the establishment of private universities in Greece. A Cabinet reshuffle in March placed him within the finance ministry, where he has sped up plans to pay down Greece’s debt to creditors and pledged to bring the country’s debt below 120 percent of GDP before 2030.

BRUSSELS — Belgium is demanding that the EU provide an extra cash buffer to ensure against Kremlin threats over a €210 billion loan to Ukraine using Russian assets, according to documents obtained by POLITICO. The cash buffer is part of a series of changes that the Belgian government wants to make to the European Commission’s proposal, which would be financed by leveraging €185 billion of frozen Russian state assets held by the Brussels-based financial depository Euroclear. The remaining €25 billion would come from other frozen Russian assets, lying in private bank accounts across the bloc — predominantly in France. Belgium’s fresh demand is designed to give Euroclear more financial firepower to withstand Russian retaliation. This cash buffer would come on top of financial guarantees that EU countries would provide against the €210 billion loan to protect Belgium from paying back the full amount if the Kremlin claws back the money. In its list of amendments to the Commission, Belgium even suggested increasing the guarantees to cover potential legal disputes and settlements — an idea that is opposed by many governments. Belgium’s demands come as EU leaders prepare to descend on Brussels on Dec. 18 to try and secure Ukraine’s ability to finance its defences against Russia. As things stand, Kyiv’s war chest will run bare in April. Failure to use the Russian assets to finance the loan would force EU capitals to reach into their own pockets to keep Ukraine afloat. But frugal countries are politically opposed to shifting the burden to EU taxpayers. Belgium is the main holdout over financing Ukraine using the Russian assets, amid fears that it will be on the hook to repay the full amount if Moscow manages to claw its money back. The bulk of this revenue is currently being funneled to Ukraine to pay down a €45 billion loan from G7 countries, with Euroclear retaining a 10 percent buffer to cover legal risks. | Artur Widak/Getty Images In its list of suggested changes, Belgium asked the EU to set aside an unspecified amount of money to protect Euroclear from the risk of Russian retaliation. It said that the safety net will account for “increased costs which Euroclear might suffer (e.g. legal costs to defend against retaliation)” and compensate for lost revenue. According to the document, the extra cash buffer should be financed by the windfall profits that Euroclear collects in interest from a deposit account at the European Central Bank, where the Kremlin-sanctioned money is currently sitting. The proceeds amounted to €4 billion last year. The bulk of this revenue is currently being funneled to Ukraine to pay down a €45 billion loan from G7 countries, with Euroclear retaining a 10 percent buffer to cover legal risks. In order to better protect Euroclear, Belgium wants to raise this threshold over the coming years.

BRUSSELS — France and Italy can breathe a sigh of relief after the EU’s statistics office signaled that the financial guarantees needed to back a €210 billion financing package to Ukraine won’t increase their heavy debt burdens. Eurostat on Tuesday evening sent a letter, obtained by POLITICO, informing the bloc’s treasuries that the financial guarantees underpinning the loan, backed by frozen Russian state assets on Belgian soil, would be considered “contingent liabilities.” In other words, the guarantees would only impact countries’ debt piles if triggered. Paris and Rome wanted Eurostat to clarify how the guarantees would be treated under EU rules for public spending, as both countries carry a debt burden above 100 percent of their respective economic output. Eurostat’s letter is expected to allay fears that signing up to the loan would undermine investor confidence in highly indebted countries and potentially raise their borrowing costs. That’s key for the Italians and French, as EU leaders prepare to discuss the initiative at a summit next week. Failure to secure a deal could leave Ukraine without enough funds to keep Russian forces at bay next year. The Commission has suggested all EU countries share the risk by providing financial guarantees against the loan in case the Kremlin manages to claw back its sanctioned cash, which is held in the Brussels-based financial depository Euroclear. “None of the conditions” that would lead to EU liability being transferred to member states “would be met,” Eurostat wrote in a letter, adding that the chances of EU countries ever paying those guarantees are weak. The Commission instead will be held liable for those guarantees, the agency added. Germany is set to bear the brunt of the loan, guaranteeing some €52 billion under the Commission’s draft rules. This figure will likely rise as Hungary has already refused to take part in the funding drive for Ukraine. The letter is unlikely to change Belgium’s stance, as it wants much higher guarantees and greater legal safeguards against Russian retaliation at home and abroad. The biggest risk facing the Commission’s proposal is the prospect of the assets being unfrozen if pro-Russia countries refuse to keep existing sanctions in place. Under current rules, the EU must unanimously reauthorize the sanctions every six months. That means Kremlin-friendly countries, such as Hungary and Slovakia, can force the EU to release the sanctioned money with a simple no vote. To make this scenario more unlikely, the Commission suggested a controversial legal fix that will be discussed today by EU ambassadors. Eurostat described the possibility of EU countries paying out for the loan as “a complex event with no obvious probability assessment at the time of inception.”

The European Parliament could have an early say in the race for the European Central Bank vice presidency, a win for lawmakers after years of pushing for more influence over the EU’s top appointments. Eurozone finance ministers will begin the process of selecting a successor to Luis de Guindos on Thursday, according to a draft timeline seen by POLITICO and an EU diplomat who separately confirmed the document’s content. The deadline for submitting candidates will be in early January, although an exact date is still to be agreed.  According to the document, members of the Economic and Monetary Affairs Committee will have the right to hold in-camera hearings with all the candidates in January before the Eurogroup formally proposes a name to the European Council for appointment. This would mark a break with the past, when MEPs only got involved in the process after ministers had already had their say. Involving the Parliament at an earlier stage could influence the selection process, for example by giving it the chance to press for adequate gender balance in the list of candidates. This had been one of the Parliament’s demands in its latest annual report on the ECB’s activities. “The Parliament will play a stronger role this time,” the diplomat told POLITICO. So far, only Greece is considering proposing a woman for the vice president slot: Christina Papaconstantinou, who is currently deputy governor at the C. Finland, Latvia, Croatia and Portugal are all set to propose male candidates. The candidate picked by ministers will return to lawmakers for an official hearing, which should take place between March and April, according to the document. MEPs have limited power over the final appointment, but they will issue a nonbinding opinion, which is then adopted through a plenary vote. The new vice president will be formally appointed by the European Council in May, before taking office on June 1. So far, only Greece is considering proposing a woman for the vice president slot. | Aris Messinis/Getty Images The vice president’s position is the first of four to come up for rotation at the ECB’s Executive Board over the next two years. It wasn’t immediately clear if the other three appointments — including the one for a new president — will give the lawmakers the same degree of influence. CORRECTION: This article was updated on Dec. 9 to correct the spelling of the surname of the deputy governor of the Bank of Greece.