CNT STRIKE COMMITTEE SIGNS AGREEMENT ON WAGES AND CONDITIONS WITH THE AEROSPACE
MANUFACTURING COMPANY
~ from CNT Seville ~
The strike at GAZC Sevilla SL, called by CNT and started on October 6, ended
yesterday with the signing of a strike settlement agreement. The agreement
includes a new bonus system that more fairly compensates night work, promotions,
a new professional classification system, greater participation in the creation
of the work schedule, and increased flexibility in choosing vacation days.
Payment of wages during vacations is corrected, and measures are taken to ensure
job stability and guarantee rights for union representation.
Mechanisms have been added to the agreement to maintain a climate of dialogue
and negotiation so that, in the future, an attempt can be made to avoid the
escalation of a possible conflict.
The strike ends after a tough conflict that was finally resolved thanks to the
impetus given to negotiations by both sides a couple of weeks ago, the result of
the willingness of both the union and the company to restart dialogue and end an
indefinite strike that ultimately lasted 72 days.
Following a constructive final negotiation process, both the union and the
company consider the agreement reached to be balanced, with mutual concessions
that have made it possible to end the strike. Both parties hope that the signing
of the agreement will usher in a new era of mutual understanding, aimed at
resolving any future disagreements through dialogue.
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Tag - unions
VARIOUS UNIONS AND ORGANISATIONS JOINED THE PROTEST IN XIXÓN AGAINST THE BAKERY
WORKERS’ CONVICTION
~ Guillermo Martínez, La Marea ~
Following the court’s refusal to suspend their sentences, the streets of Xixón
(Asturias, Spain) once again chanted, “the Suiza 6 will not go to prison”. The
protest on Sunday (29 June) drew around 8,000 people, according to the
organisers, and demonstrated their rejection of the prison sentences imposed on
the union members. Various unions and organisations joined the protest,
demanding a pardon from the central government. “Trade unionism is not a crime”,
they repeated in their hoarse voices.
The demonstration started on Paseo de Begoña at noon and ended in front of the
courthouse in the Asturian city, which once again vibrated with the activists’
passage. Erica Conrado, the general secretary of the CNT (National Union of
Workers’ Unions), the union to which four of the convicted women belong,
criticised the court’s refusal to allow the union members to divide their
sentences, a measure that would have prevented them from going to prison.
The conflict began in 2017. The CNT in Xixón began mobilising in front of the La
Suiza bakery, as its owner owed money to one of his workers. The union’s
pressure materialised in demonstrations in front of the shop and an attempt to
mediate with the owner of the establishment after he also filed a complaint. The
process ended with a conviction by Judge Lino Rubio, known for his landmark
rulings against union members. They were sentenced to two years in prison for
‘serious coercion’ and another for ‘obstruction of justice’, which translates to
a year and a half in prison.
Against the court ruling, Xixón has once again taken to the streets to
strengthen this armed barricade of mutual support, which has continued to grow
over time. “The prison order could come at any moment. Our comrades live in a
state of constant uncertainty”, Conrado told La Marea before the start of the
demonstration. The sun was beginning to set over the city streets. “Irreparable
damage has been caused after eight years of legal proceedings that have
persecuted six people solely for defending the rights of the working class”, she
added.
Throughout the march, which lasted a couple of hours, chants such as “worker
fired, boss hanged,” “comrades, you are not alone”, and “the strength of the
worker: solidarity” were heard constantly. Several of the convicted individuals
also participated in the demonstration. One of them welcomed the announcement by
the Socialist government of Asturias that this Monday it will join the petition
for a pardon already formalised by 22 union organisations.
“It’s a precious opportunity for the PSOE to position itself in favour of the
working class it claims to defend”, the convicted woman stated. However, the
sentence they suffer goes beyond themselves: “Three of us have two young
children. We think a lot about how our children will cope with their parents
potentially being in prison”.
KEEPING THE PULSE ON THE STREETS
Just a few meters away was Belén Álvarez, a friend of two of the convicted
women. “It’s important to take to the streets because this sets a very dangerous
precedent for the union struggle. We have no choice but to oppose it head-on”,
she stated, while banners of support held by activists from around the state
continued to parade around her. Álvarez added that “we must maintain the
momentum in the streets.” “Those of us who are convicted are taking everything
that’s happening to our friends badly, but demonstrations like this give us a
lot of strength to continue”, she continued.
Buses chartered by the CNT made it possible for hundreds of activists and
citizens to arrive in Xixón early this morning from provinces such as Barcelona,
Zaragoza, Segovia, León, Madrid, Bilbao, Burgos, and Vitoria. This was the case
with Fernando Sanfrutos, who, although not affiliated with the Confederation,
did not hesitate to join them for the protest from Valladolid.
Carrying the Palestinian flag on his shoulder, this protester stated: “A brutal
injustice is being committed here against six people who have only defended
their union rights, and for that they are going to prison”. Regarding the
pardon, Sanfrutos commented that “it should be granted immediately because these
people should never go to jail”. In his view, the judge would not act this way
“if it were a union more subservient than the CNT”.
DOUBTS ABOUT THE PARDON
While some passers-by filmed the demonstration with their cell phones, a woman
leaning out of her balcony looked down at the stream of people with a slight
smile and nods of agreement. A few meters below her, thousands of people chanted
against the bosses and in favour of class solidarity, something evident in the
number of unions, also the majority, that supported the mobilisation. Likewise,
the general secretary of Podemos, Ione Belarra, supported the march and
expressed her solidarity with those convicted.
Vicente Fernández and Lucía Fernández have decided to travel to Xixón from
Ourense on their own: “It’s time to be here. The streets are essential for the
condemned women to see that they are not alone and to raise awareness of the
grave injustice that is taking place”, said the former. Although they have
expressed doubts about whether the government will grant a pardon, both have
commented: “Perhaps it’s something that would even be good for them as a party,
given the current political situation”. According to them, neither of them is
active in any political organisation, and they admit that this “case of
repression”, as they have described it, is not widely known in Galicia.
EXPLOITATIVE BUSINESSMAN AND COMPLICIT COURT
A few minutes after 2:00 p.m., the protest arrived in front of the Xixón
courthouse, where a banner was lowered from a nearby bridge. There, the
organisers read a statement. They referred to the union unity evident today: “We
are forced to do this by a retrograde alliance of police, judicial, business,
and media powers that seeks to undermine the basic rights of the working class”.
They also shared with those present: “The criminalisation and sentencing of
these colleagues demonstrates that our rights as workers are so weak that the
collusion of ultra-conservative powers can deactivate them.”
As they explained, the Supreme Court’s ratification of the ruling has
highlighted how “the oligarchic alliance formed by the judiciary, business, and
other powers wants to make the demand for union negotiations a crime of
obstruction of justice. And that calling for rallies can be a crime of
coercion”.
On the other hand, they emphasised regarding the pardon that “when trade
unionism is imprisoned with perverse sentences, all legal responses are
legitimate”. The mobilisation concluded with a unanimous cry from the thousands
of people gathered in Xixón: “Comrades, you are not alone”! At least, in this
way, the uncertainty that has plagued those sentenced for eight years becomes
less painful.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Machine translation. CC BY-SA 3.0
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IN AN INTERVIEW, KSUSHA LOOKS FORWARD TO “DRONE COOPERATIVES, REHABILITATION OF
THE WAR INJURED, CULTURAL PROJECTS, SQUATS FOR REFUGEES”
~ Cristina Sykes ~
An anarchist based in Kyiv has responded to questions from Kapinatyöläinen
magazine in Finland about the activities of anti-authoritarian networks in
Ukraine today. Ksusha described anarchists’ networked presence in the military
units and involvement in civil support for the front line and their . In terms
of future projects, she looks forward to “drone cooperatives, rehabilitation of
the war injured, cultural projects, squats for refugees”. To “comrades in
Finland, the Baltics or Poland” she recommended “first aid skills and attending
public defense courses, building drones, as well as many other civilian
hobbies”.
According to the interview, the anti-authoritarian volunteer unit sponsored by
Yuri Samoilenko “got stuck due to the attitude of the higher army management”
and anarchists now “have people at different levels of the army, connections,
understanding of war operations and how to work with people in the army. An
understanding has been formed about what kind of things can be developed and
what can be dangerous”. With this combination of understanding and experience,
anarchists are developing practices that are “viable under wartime conditions”,
while starting “small projects, sowing the seeds of anti-authoritarian
cooperation methods in their own locations”.
Previously in Kharkiv, Ksusha related she had been involved with renovations of
a squat for war refugees and “joined an eco-anarchist group that worked against
construction projects and deforestation, took action to stop fur production and
organized free markets”. When the full-scale war started in 2022, she joined
Operation Solidarity, described as a civic action platform organised to support
comrades from the anti-authoritarian left who went to the front lines. “We
supported socialists, anarchists, punks, hard core subculturers, anti-fascists,
feminists – anyone united by some kind of progressive leftist views”.
Later reorganising as the Solidarity Collectives, this “mutual aid network” now
supports 80-100 “anarchists, anti-fascists, punks, eco-anarchists, feminists,
squatters, LGBT+ people and union activists” with clothes and first aid
equipment as well as “walkie-talkies and night vision devices, as well as
tablets, laptops, cars, and even expensive airplanes and drones”.
Organised as a decentralised network, the Collectives also aid those affected by
the war, in house repairing projects and by supplying laptops for teaching use,
while their media group works to make these activities visible and “be in
contact with our comrades”. They emphasise work with unions which are “in danger
of being suppressed” in order to help them “influence workers’ rights and
disrupt the neoliberal reforms that are now so popular in Ukraine”.
She emphasised that anarchist activity in Ukraine had only stared in the last
decades, against a distrust of anything labelled as “Leftist” because of the
Soviet past. “Everything had to be started from a scratch, and it was not
possible to lean on any background, institutions that would have already been in
operation for a long time.When we start projects in the military or in the civil
society, we face demonization of our ideas”.
The full interview is has been translated into English on Takku.net
The post Ukraine: Solidarity Collectives & anarchists in the ranks appeared
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“WHERE WE COME FROM AND WHERE WE ARE GOING”: A REFLECTION ON BRAZILIAN
ANARCHISM, THEN AND NOW
~ from O Amigo do Povo ~
Brazilian anarchism lost influence over the masses with the decline and later,
the end of revolutionary syndicalism in Brazil between the 1920s and 1930s. This
syndicalism already had certain limitations when compared to the model of the
historical AIT and its relationship with Mikhail Bakunin’s Alliance. The
limitations can be summarised as purism, a-politicism and lack of understanding
of the reality of Brazil, in addition to the centrality of anarchist
organisation. What remained of anarchism in Brazil for more than half a century
were small initiatives of propagandists, educationists and memorialists of
anarcho-communist groups, composed of a mix of the old generation of anarchists
in contact with young university students and punks, mostly from the petite
bourgeoisie.
Between 1995 and 1996, through contacts between anarchist activists in Brazil
and the Uruguayan Anarchist Federation (FAU), a new era emerged for anarchism in
Brazil, culminating in the creation of the Libertarian Socialist Organization
(OSL) in 1997 and, later, the Forum of Organised Anarchism in 2000. Despite the
limitations and lack of theoretical and strategic unity of some local groups, it
was in this context that Brazilian anarchism once again gained a small presence
in the class struggle. Of note were the actions of the Gaucho Anarchist
Federation (FAG) and, later, the Collective of Pro-organisation Anarchist of
Goiás (COPOAG), with its work among waste pickers in the National Movement of
Waste Pickers (MNCR), and the Libertarian Socialist Organization OSL-RJ (future
UNIPA), with its urban occupations and secondary school movements in the
outskirts.
Of the initiatives that stood out in the class struggle in the early 2000s,
FAG’s activities lost traction among waste pickers and other social movements,
adopting a shift towards post-structuralism. The Colective Anarchist
Pro-organisation of Goiás, which was Bakuninist, ended in 2008. The only
organisation that continued to advance, both in theory and in practice, was the
group from Rio de Janeiro, which became the Popular Anarchist Union. At that
time, the Popular Anarchist Union had already been debating the importance of
building a revolutionary theory through Bakunin’s thought, criticising
individualism and highlighting the importance of strategic action, as in the
debate between CONLUTAS and INTERSINDICAL that existed within the Forum of
Organised Anarchism. In this sense, the Popular Anarchist Union broke with Forum
of Organised Anarchism and launched itself as a national organisation,
criticising revisionism and eclecticism.
The Popular Anarchist Union, which was a local group in Rio de Janeiro until
2007, due to its more successful performance in the national context of
degeneration of the left with the Worker’s Party governments, such as in the
revolutionary bloc in Conlutas and in the promotion of a combative tendency in
the student movement with the Class-Based and Combative Student Network,
experienced relatively large quantitative and qualitative growth in the 2010s
building centres in the Federal District, Ceará, Center South, Goiás, Mato
Grosso, among others. Meanwhile the Forum of Organised Anarchism, which became
the Brazilian Anarchist Coordination (CAB), despite its growth, changed little
in terms of strategic unity and mass line, often acting as an auxiliary line of
reformism or practicing welfare in social movements, resulting in less influence
in the class struggle.
Garbage collector in Juazeiro, Bahia, 2007. Photo: Glauco Umbelino CC BY 2.0
In 2013, with the June uprising and the growth of its influence in several
cities, the Popular Anarchist Union contributed to the call for the National
Meeting of Popular, Student and Revolutionary Trade Union Organisations and the
national reconstruction of Federation of Revolutionary Syndicalist Organisations
of Brazil, becoming a reference for class-based tendencies in Brazil, mainly in
the student movement with the Class-Based and Combative Student Network and in
basic education with the Class Resistance Opposition group. There was a
significant increase in the participation of Bakuninists in the class struggle,
such as in the high school occupations of 2015 and in universities in 2016.
The Popular Anarchist Union, which established itself as the only bastion of
revolutionary class-based anarchism in Brazil during the Worker’s Party
governments (2003-2016), began to make its first mistakes after Dilma’s
impeachment, by adhering to the coup narrative and, consequently, favouring the
fight against the Worker’s Party “coup-mongering” and the defence of bourgeois
democracy. This can be explained, in part, by the contradiction of its growth
having occurred in intermediate sectors, such as the student movement of federal
universities and the civil service. Meanwhile, the Brazilian Anarchist
Coordination lost itself in social-democratic and identity-based narratives,
having little influence in the class struggle.
After losing its way in the conceptual dispute with the reformists following
Dilma’s impeachment, the only Bakuninist organisation in the world also failed
to fully understand the changing context and the decline in struggles after
2016. Even in a new context of right-wing governments and a decline in
struggles, it helped to convene the second National Meeting of Popular, Student
and Revolutionary Trade Union Organisations, with a proposal de-contextualised
from Western Europe by the anarcho-syndicalists of the International
Confederation of Labor (CIT) with the creation of the SIGAs, parallel unions,
breaking with the only model that was working: the class-based and disciplined
tendencies. Thus, they created free unions aimed mainly at libertarians and
doctrinaire revolutionaries, focusing only on agitation and propaganda, like the
outdated models of the factory-gate unions of the 20th century.
The Popular Anarchist Union/ Federation of Revolutionary Syndicalist
Organisations of Brazil continued to present errors in reading the context and
promoting hasty and misguided structural changes, and as a result, several
internal disagreements arose, mainly on issues such as the “Coup”, “Bolsonaro
Out”, “identitarianism” and the “stay at home” policy. In this context, between
2021-2023, there were many ruptures in The Popular Anarchist Union/ Federation
of Revolutionary Syndicalist Organisations of Brazil, some public, others not.
In the Brazilian Anarchist Coordination, there were also disagreements on two
main issues: the advancement of the national organisation with political and
strategic unity and the criticism of liberalism/identitarianism, which
culminated in a split, mainly of the southeastern organisations of the Brazilian
Anarchist Coordination, which formed the new Libertarian Socialist Organization
(OSL) in 2023.
With all these changes in the situation in recent years – right-wing
governments, the pandemic and the return of the Lula government, even more
bourgeois – splits were created that today divide militant anarchism in Brazil
into four main lines: Brazilian Anarchist Coordination, Libertarian Socialist
Organization, Popular Anarchist Union/ Federation of Revolutionary Syndicalist
Organisations of Brazil and its dissidents, such as GLP/Jornal Amigo do Povo,
Ofensiva Revolucionária, among others.
Our humble position, the result of these ruptures and more than 20 years of
activism even though we are not an anarchist group today, but rather a group of
class-based activists, is summarised in advancing where the historical Popular
Anarchist Union (2003-2016) was unable to do so. We want to make a quantitative
and qualitative leap not only with intermediate sectors, but mainly with
strategic sectors and the marginal proletariat, continuing with disciplined
activism and theoretical and strategic unity as a legacy of Bakunin and Makhno.
We must go to the people and continue fighting for the social revolution.
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