Poland’s fugitive former Justice Minister Zbigniew Ziobro said he has been granted asylum in Hungary after claiming he faces political repression in his home country. “In this situation, I decided to take advantage of the asylum granted to me by the Hungarian government due to political repression in Poland. I would like to thank Prime Minister Viktor Orbán very much,” he wrote Monday in a social media post.  Ziobro, a senior figure in the nationalist Law and Justice (PiS) party that ruled Poland from 2015 to 2023, perceives an investigation against him as politically driven by the government of Prime Minister Donald Tusk. “I have become the target of personal revenge by Donald Tusk and his circle,” Ziobro wrote, warning that members of the government would face “severe consequences.” He claimed the proceedings against him amounted to retaliation against the opposition. Polish government minister Tomasz Siemoniak slammed Ziobro. “Refuge in Hungary is a downright perfect summary of Ziobro’s career. The former Minister of Justice fleeing like a coward from the Polish justice system. Total downfall,” he commented on X. Ziobro was stripped of immunity in November last year, amid an escalating confrontation between Tusk’s government and the opposition Law and Justice. Several former Law and Justice officials are under investigation over alleged corruption during the party’s period in power. Ziobro is a key figure in an investigation into why and how the Law and Justice-led government allegedly purchased Pegasus spyware to surveil political opponents. If indicted, he could face up to 25 years in prison. Ziobro previously fled abroad. He said he had also applied for his wife to receive international protection. Hungary previously granted asylum to former Polish Deputy Justice Minister Marcin Romanowski, who faced 11 charges in Poland for misuse of public funds when he was deputy justice minister from 2019 to 2023.

Listen on * Spotify * Apple Music * Amazon Music Wer regiert die Welt – und was treibt sie an? In unserem regelmäßigen Machthaber-Spezial geht es um die mächtigsten und umstrittensten Politikerinnen und Politiker unserer Zeit. Wir zeigen, wie sie denken, entscheiden – und was das für uns bedeutet. Eine Politikerin oder Politiker, alle zwei Wochen, ein Blick hinter die Kulissen der Macht. Die nächste Folge hört ihr am Dienstag, 30.12.2025. Dann mit einem Porträt der dänischen Ministerpräsidentin Mette Frederiksen. Das Berlin Playbook als Podcast gibt es jeden Morgen ab 5 Uhr. Gordon Repinski und das POLITICO-Team liefern Politik zum Hören – kompakt, international, hintergründig. Für alle Hauptstadt-Profis: Der Berlin Playbook-Newsletter bietet jeden Morgen die wichtigsten Themen und Einordnungen. ⁠Jetzt kostenlos abonnieren.⁠ Mehr von Host und POLITICO Executive Editor Gordon Repinski:Instagram: ⁠@gordon.repinski⁠ | X: ⁠@GordonRepinski⁠. Legal Notice (Belgium) POLITICO SRL Forme sociale: Société à Responsabilité Limitée Siège social: Rue De La Loi 62, 1040 Bruxelles Numéro d’entreprise: 0526.900.436 RPM Bruxelles info@politico.eu www.politico.eu

BERLIN — Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk and German Chancellor Friedrich Merz on Monday clashed over war reparations and restitution for Germany’s Nazi-era destruction of Poland. The open disagreement between two leaders — who have vowed to mend often-strained relations between their two countries — cast a shadow over talks in Berlin that were meant to project unity and cooperation on a range of issues, including defense and support for Ukraine. Instead, the two leaders spent time sparring over the highly emotional issue of how Germany should attempt to make up for its actions during World War II. “We must keep memories alive, even painful ones,” Merz said alongside Tusk. “I hope that we can do this in a way that does not divide us, but brings us closer together.” But Tusk, under pressure from the opposition nationalist Law and Justice (PiS) party, took a harder line on the matter than he has in the past, criticizing Germany’s logic for refusing to pay war reparations to Poland. “We in Poland all believe that Poland has not received compensation for the losses and crimes of World War II,” Tusk said. After his reelection in 2023, Tusk had not highlighted the reparations demands of the previous PiS government, which called on Germany to pay €1.3 trillion for its 1939-1945 occupation of Poland. Berlin has repeatedly said the matter is legally “closed.” But on Monday, Tusk reopened the issue, criticizing the German argument that Poland waived its right to reparations in the 1950s when it was under the control of the Soviet Union. PiS politicians, including Poland’s current president, Karol Nawrocki, argue the waiver was made under Soviet pressure and can’t be taken at face value. On Monday, Tusk echoed that line. Friedrich Merz said Germany would press ahead with plans to construct a memorial dedicated to Polish victims of Nazi Germany in Berlin. | Kay Nietfeld/Getty Images “Germany is adhering to this formal diplomatic agreement from the 1950s,” Tusk said. “Those who know history know that in the 1950s, Poland had no say in the matter. And Poland’s waiver of reparations is not seen as an act that reflects the opinion of the Polish people. The Polish people had no say.” The renewed tensions over reparations threaten to complicate the two leaders’ efforts to smooth over differences on a range of issues, from disputes on national border controls to Berlin’s investigation of explosions that crippled the undersea Nord Stream pipelines carrying Russian gas to Germany. Tusk’s government has frequently made the case that, while there is a moral case for reparations, there is no way to legally make Berlin pay and therefore, pursing the matter only undermines Poland’s ties with Germany, its largest economic partner. At the same time, Merz came to office vowing to improve relations with Poland, traveling to Warsaw on his first full-day on office. Merz then said he saw the so-called Weimar Triangle — an informal alliance between Germany, Poland and France — as a potential engine for shaping a more robust European defense strategy. On Monday, Merz’s government announced a series of other steps designed to ease Polish resentments over Berlin’s refusal to pay reparations, though those measures were unlikely to placate many Poles. Merz said Germany would press ahead with plans to construct a memorial dedicated to Polish victims of Nazi Germany in Berlin, and his government vowed to return Polish cultural artifacts plundered by the Nazis. Germany also pledged to “examine possibilities of providing further support to Polish victims of the Nazi aggression,” according to a joint declaration. That pledge alluded to a proposal by former Chancellor Olaf Scholz to financially compensate still-living Polish victims of Nazi Germany. But the plan has yet to materialize. Tusk expressed frustration about this on Monday, arguing time is running out. “When I discussed this with Chancellor Scholz, the figure [of people who were still alive] was just over 60,000,” said Tusk. “Today it is 50,000 people.” “Please, please speed things up if you really want to make this gesture,” he said, adding that if Berlin doesn’t move faster, then Warsaw will use its own money to compensate victims. Despite the disagreement, Merz and Tusk said they are in close contact over developments in Ukraine and negotiations over a possible peace deal. That pledge alluded to a proposal by former Chancellor Olaf Scholz to financially compensate still-living Polish victims of Nazi Germany. | Michael Bahlo/Getty Images Tusk called the level of cooperation “truly unprecedented” and warned of the risk of playing up divisions between the two countries. “We have radicals on both sides of the border” who are “interested in stirring up anti-German sentiment in Poland and anti-Polish sentiment and moods in Germany,” he said. “But I am convinced that they will not be able to achieve their goals.”

Listen on * Spotify * Apple Music * Amazon Music Bärbel Bas und Lars Klingbeil wirken in Partei und Regierung angeschlagen. Die Arbeitsministerin stößt beim Arbeitgebertag auf scharfe Ablehnung und findet kaum Zugang zur Wirtschaft. Der Vizekanzler sucht weiter nach einer eigenen Rolle und spürt die Distanz zur eigenen SPD. Gordon Repinski zeichnet nach, wie Führungsschwäche und Unsicherheit die Partei prägen und warum sich die Frage nach einem Kurs für die kommenden Jahre immer dringlicher stellt. Im 200-Sekunden-Interview spricht Sebastian Roloff, wirtschaftspolitischer Sprecher der SPD, über die Ausrichtung der Partei. Er erklärt, warum die Partei aus seiner Sicht niemanden außer den politischen Gegnern von rechts bekämpft, wie er die Rolle der Wirtschaft bewertet und weshalb die Koalition trotz Spannungen handlungsfähig bleiben müsse. Danach richtet sich der Blick auf den Besuch von Donald Tusk in Berlin. Hans von der Burchard ordnet ein, wie eng Deutschland und Polen angesichts globaler Unsicherheiten zusammenrücken müssen, welche Fortschritte bei Verteidigung, Infrastruktur und Gedenken möglich sind und wo es zwischen Berlin und Warschau weiter knirscht. Das Berlin Playbook als Podcast gibt es jeden Morgen ab 5 Uhr. Gordon Repinski und das POLITICO-Team liefern Politik zum Hören – kompakt, international, hintergründig. Für alle Hauptstadt-Profis: Der Berlin Playbook-Newsletter bietet jeden Morgen die wichtigsten Themen und Einordnungen. Jetzt kostenlos abonnieren. Mehr von Host und POLITICO Executive Editor Gordon Repinski: Instagram: @gordon.repinski | X: @GordonRepinski. Legal Notice (Belgium) POLITICO SRL Forme sociale: Société à Responsabilité Limitée Siège social: Rue De La Loi 62, 1040 Bruxelles Numéro d’entreprise: 0526.900.436 RPM Bruxelles info@politico.eu www.politico.eu

WARSAW — Poland’s government on Friday put forward a proposal for civil partnerships that strains the ruling coalition, disappoints LGBTQ+ rights activists and has little chance of being signed into law by right-wing President Karol Nawrocki. The issue has haunted the four-party coalition headed by Prime Minister Donald Tusk since it won power from the nationalist Law and Justice (PiS) party two years ago.  Efforts to move on the issue were blocked by frictions within Tusk’s four-party coalition, with the resistance led by the agrarian Polish People’s Party (PSL). That forced the government to put forward a bill that tries to keep PSL on board, but does little to satisfy the coalition’s centrist and left-wing backers because it offers a civil partnership status that falls well short of marriage. Tusk underlined the unsatisfactory compromise that produced the legislation. “The nature of this coalition … lead to a situation where either there is complete deadlock and nothing can be done, or a compromise is sought that will certainly make people’s lives easier and more bearable … although no one will be jumping for joy,” Tusk told reporters. Nawrocki, a PiS ally, has long made clear he would oppose legal provisions establishing “quasi-marriages” or otherwise threatening the traditional institution. Jarosław Kaczyński, the leader of PiS, denounced the bill on Friday, saying it was not only “grossly unconstitutional, but aims to replace traditional marriage with pseudo-unions.” PSL and PiS are long-time competitors for votes in the conservative Polish countryside, where the Roman Catholic Church still holds sway. Defense Minister Władysław Kosiniak-Kamysz, the leader of PSL, said he does not find that the proposed civil union status mirrors marriage. “It makes life easier,” he said. “It’s not a proposal of our dreams, it’s a proposal of the coalition reality and with Karol Nawrocki as president,” Katarzyna Kotula, the Left’s minister in the Prime Minister’s Office, told a press briefing in the parliament Friday, referring to months of talks with PSL on the issue. INOFFENSIVE LEGISLATION As officials presented the basics of the proposal, Kotula treaded carefully, making no direct mention of LGBTQ+ families, marriage, or adoption — all no-goes for the agrarians. “The proposal excludes any provisions related to children, such as custody or adoption. There only are practical measures intended to make life easier for Poles,” Urszula Pasławska, a PSL MP, told the briefing.  “The law would not, in any way, infringe upon or undermine the institution of marriage,” Pasławska added. Under Poland’s constitution, marriage is defined as “a union between a woman and a man.” Poles’ support for marriage equality ranges from 40 to 50 percent, depending on the poll, but backing for civil partnerships is higher. The draft legislative proposal, titled somewhat awkwardly the “law on the status of a close person in a relationship and on a cohabitation agreement,” seeks to define rights and obligations between partners in an informal relationship. It doesn’t specify the sex of the partners. The draft outlines provisions on “mutual respect, support, care, loyalty and cooperation for the common good,” Kotula said. It guarantees the right to shared housing, mutual alimony, access to each other’s medical information, exemption from inheritance and donation taxes, and joint tax filing for couples who declare shared property. The draft would also provide relief from civil transaction taxes, entitlement to a survivor’s pension, inheritance under a will, access to health insurance for both partners and care leave. But that falls far short of allowing same-sex couples to get married — something that’s increasingly common in other EU countries. The bill got tepid praise from the Campaign Against Homophobia, an NGO. “It proposes modest, cautious measures that offer a little bit of safety to those who previously had none. It’s a step forward — but so small and careful that it’s hard to see in it the courage that all families in Poland truly deserve,” it said. In the campaign’s latest annual ranking of LGBTQ+ rights, Poland is the second-lowest in the EU, a slight increase from previous years when it was last. LGBTQ+ rights organization Miłość Nie Wyklucza (Love Does Not Exclude) said the proposal does contain some progressive solutions, but it creates the danger of freezing further progress, said Hubert Sobecki, one of the group’s leaders. “What am I supposed to do now, kiss their hands in gratitude? We’re going to have two kinds of people in Poland. Those who can marry legally and enjoy all that comes with it and those who don’t,” Sobecki said.

Listen on * Spotify * Apple Music * Amazon Music Der Bundestag steckt mitten im “Haushalts-Ironman”. Während der Etat 2025 erst beschlossen wird, rollt bereits die Debatte um den Haushalt 2026 an. Rasmus Buchsteiner analysiert die Lage im Finanzministerium, spricht über Sparvorgaben, Schuldenbremse und die offene Flanke bei Subventionen. Klar ist: Die härtesten Einschnitte drohen nicht jetzt – sondern 2027. Gleichzeitig steht die Außenpolitik unter Spannung: Polens Präsident Karol Nawrocki ist in Berlin, ohne Presse und ohne Charmeoffensive. Hans von der Burchard erklärt, warum Berlin mit dem neuen Staatsoberhaupt hadert, welche Rolle Sicherheitsfragen nach dem Drohnenvorfall spielen und warum eine engere Zusammenarbeit trotz Nawrockis Reparationsforderungen unausweichlich bleibt. Im 200-Sekunden-Interview plädiert Paul Ziemiak für eine ehrliche Debatte über Verantwortung, Sicherheit – und die Frage, ob es in deutsch-polnischen Beziehungen überhaupt je einen „Schlussstrich“ geben kann. Außerdem: Vorwärts-Fest im Prenzlauer Berg und die Frage, ob NRW noch die Herzkammer der SPD ist? Und: Eine Einladung zum Dinner mit Jonathan Martin von POLITICO in Washington, D.C. Das Berlin Playbook als Podcast gibt es jeden Morgen ab 5 Uhr. Gordon Repinski und das POLITICO-Team liefern Politik zum Hören – kompakt, international, hintergründig. Für alle Hauptstadt-Profis: Der Berlin Playbook-Newsletter bietet jeden Morgen die wichtigsten Themen und Einordnungen. Jetzt kostenlos abonnieren. Mehr von Host und POLITICO Executive Editor Gordon Repinski: Instagram: @gordon.repinski | X: @GordonRepinski.

BERLIN — It’s no secret that German Chancellor Friedrich Merz prefers to work with that other Polish leader, centrist Prime Minister Donald Tusk. But on Tuesday he’ll be receiving Polish President Karol Nawrocki, a nationalist backed by the opposition populist right-wing Law and Justice (PiS) party, which demands that Berlin pay reparations for Nazi Germany’s World War II invasion and occupation of Poland. Relations between Poland and Germany have seesawed between close cooperation and open friction in recent years. While the two countries have strong trade relations and increasingly cooperate on defense, Nawrocki and PiS politicians have railed against the EU’s influence over Polish affairs and have stoked lingering resentments over the historical destruction that Nazi Germany wrought on Poland. The relationship is acutely sensitive, said Knut Abraham, a coordinator on Polish relations at the German foreign ministry. “A half sentence wrongly uttered can lead to major upheavals,” he said. Nawrocki, a former boxer, in many ways personifies the brand of Polish populism that most disconcerts Merz and his allies. The Polish president was elected in June on a “Poland first” platform that included calls for Merz’s government to pay reparations — a demand the German government has repeatedly refused. A common foe in Russian President Vladimir Putin has also failed to more broadly unite German leaders and Poland’s populist right, even after Russian drones entered Polish airspace last week in what European leaders called a deliberate plan to target NATO. Nawrocki has in fact attempted to tie the reparations demand to the joint European fight against Russian aggression. “Reparations will not serve as an alternative to historical amnesia, but Poland as a frontline state, as the key country on NATO’s eastern flank, needs justice and truth [and] clear relations with Germany,” Nawrocki said earlier this month during a World War II commemoration. Nawrocki will “certainly refer to the issue” during his Berlin visit, said his spokesman, Rafał Leśkiewicz. The Polish president is scheduled to meet Merz as well as German President Frank-Walter Steinmeier. No press conferences are planned, limiting the opportunity for open displays of discord. TRUMP’S MAN IN POLAND Despite the tensions, Nawrocki could prove useful to Merz and other European leaders in one sense: He has the ear of U.S. President Donald Trump.  Trump endorsed Nawrocki ahead of this year’s Polish presidential election, and received him with great accolades at the White House earlier this month. Following the incursion by Russian drones into Polish airspace last week, Trump called Nawrocki, not Tusk. When Trump earlier this month held a call with leaders of the “coalition of the willing”— countries that have pledged security guarantees to Ukraine — the White House connected with Nawrocki, not Tusk, according to a European official familiar with the meeting. It’s no secret that German Chancellor Friedrich Merz prefers to work with that other Polish leader, centrist Prime Minister Donald Tusk. | Omer Messinger/Getty Images This despite the fact that Nawrocki’s position in Polish politics is somewhat ceremonial. While the Polish president has the power to veto legislation — and has used it to block Tusk’s agenda — it is Tusk and his ministers who preside over foreign policy and defense matters. Trump’s apparent effort to bypass Tusk has been a source of tension between the Polish government and the Polish president. “There cannot be two foreign policies,” Paweł Wroński, Poland’s foreign ministry spokesman, said earlier this month. Given that dynamic, German and European leaders are unlikely to do anything that could be seen as undermining Tusk’s position. MEMORY POLITICS After Tusk’s government came to power, it dropped the demands of the previous PiS government that Germany pay €1.3 trillion in reparations — a figure Nawrocki continues to back. The Tusk government, while believing there is a moral case for reparations, maintains they are legally a non-starter and argues that pursuing them undermines Poland’s ties with Germany, its largest export market. Instead, Polish Foreign Minister Radosław Sikorski has suggested that the German government give a “visible sign” that Germany acknowledges the damage Poland suffered during the war, such as “a documentation center, a center for dialogue that recognizes the suffering of the Poles and is also a memorial.” In April, a temporary memorial involving a 30-ton boulder was erected in Berlin to commemorate the Polish victims of Nazi Germany. There are plans to erect a permanent memorial, though the German Bundestag must first pass a resolution. But such gestures are unlikely to satisfy demands by PiS politicians for reparations, given how many Polish voters back the party’s stance. A survey by SW Research for news portal Onet found that 54 percent of respondents backed reparations while some 27 percent opposed the idea. Given that fact, Nawrocki is unlikely to back down from the demand, despite the fact that it may raise tensions between NATO allies at a time of war, critics say. “One of course might want to use this issue to make a name for oneself in domestic politics. Fair enough, that happens everywhere,” said Rolf Nikel of the German Council on Foreign Relations and Germany’s former ambassador to Poland. “But the point is that we currently have a situation of war on our external borders, and that’s why we must do everything we can to ensure that Germany, Poland and the other Europeans stand together.”  “Anything that stands in the way of that only plays into Mr. Putin’s hands,” Nikel added. “When Mr. Nawrocki comes, he has to decide which tune he wants to play.”

Listen on * Spotify * Apple Music * Amazon Music 19 russische Drohnen dringen in den polnischen Luftraum ein – und werden von NATO-Jets abgefangen. Gordon Repinski analysiert mit Sicherheitsexpertin Claudia Major vom German Marshall Fund die Hintergründe der Provokation. Ist das Putins Testlauf für den Ernstfall? Das Berlin Playbook als Podcast gibt es jeden Morgen ab 5 Uhr. Gordon Repinski und das POLITICO-Team liefern Politik zum Hören – kompakt, international, hintergründig. Für alle Hauptstadt-Profis: Der Berlin Playbook-Newsletter bietet jeden Morgen die wichtigsten Themen und Einordnungen. Jetzt kostenlos abonnieren. Mehr von Host und POLITICO Executive Editor Gordon Repinski: Instagram: @gordon.repinski | X: @GordonRepinski.

WARSAW — There’s nothing like the danger of war from a historic enemy to paper over political divides. That’s what’s happening in Poland, as usually squabbling politicians struck an unusual note of unity and solidarity in response to at least 19 Russian drones breaching Polish airspace early Wednesday. Polish President Karol Nawrocki and Prime Minister Donald Tusk are often at odds, with the right-wing president attempting to undermine the centrist prime minister in a heated political battle that is destabilizing the country’s foreign policy and sounding warning bells about its public finances. But all was harmony and patriotism in Warsaw on Wednesday … at least for the first hours following Polish and Dutch warplanes shooting down several drones. Nawrocki told a morning press conference that he met Tusk at the Polish military’s headquarters, where both were briefed on the incursion. The two leaders also discussed invoking NATO’s Article 4, which calls on alliance members to consult in the event that “the territorial integrity, political independence or security of any of the Parties is threatened.” (This was ultimately done.) Tusk messaged the parliament in a similar vein a few hours later, saying there was “full cooperation” between the president’s office and his government. “I want to stress as strongly as possible that cooperation between the institutions is exemplary. I am in constant contact, including with the president,” Tusk said. “It’s crucial that in such moments of trial all institutions act as one fist. And I must assure you with full conviction that all of them are passing this test,” the PM added. It was a striking change in tone. Tusk and Nawrocki have locked horns on an almost daily basis since the latter took office in early August. The prime minister has accused the president of scheming to derail the government’s reform agenda to better position his Law and Justice (PiS) party ahead of the next general election in 2027. Nawrocki has vetoed some key pieces of legislation from the Tusk-led ruling coalition. They’ve also been at loggerheads over foreign policy, especially over Nawrocki’s recent visit to the White House to visit his political ally, Donald Trump. But the Polish military firing its first shots in anger at a foreign invader into its territory since 1945 changed the mood music. Trump reportedly planned to speak with Nawrocki later on Wednesday, and posted on social media: “What’s with Russia violating Poland’s airspace with drones? Here we go!” Squabbling politicians struck an unusual note of unity and solidarity in response to at least 19 Russian drones breaching Polish airspace early Wednesday. | Aleksander Kalka/Getty Images Mateusz Morawiecki, a former PiS prime minister and normally a fierce foe of Tusk, posted: “In times like these, loyalty, solidarity, and responsibility are what matter. Together, we can do it. We will defeat the enemy,” he said, underlining that, “There is one enemy and that enemy is external.” Foreign Minister Radosław Sikorski, who usually revels in attacking PiS, posted: “Let’s stay calm, let’s unite.” FRENEMIES But even in the first hours, cracks started to appear in that political unity. Mariusz Błaszczak, a former PiS defense minister, grumbled that Tusk’s defense ministry was cutting back on some of the contracts agreed under the previous PiS government. “Enough talk, we just need to implement the contracts that we prepared when Law and Justice was in power,” he said. PiS Chairman Jarosław Kaczyński underlined the danger of the moment, warning: “We are facing an attack on Poland.” But he skipped Tusk’s address to parliament and lambasted the government for “slowing down” reforms in the army. Other long-held grievances were still there. Kaczyński lashed out at those who oppose his marches on the 10th of every month to commemorate the April 10, 2010 air disaster that killed his twin brother, President Lech Kaczyński — something that his supporters blame with no evidence on Tusk and Russian leader Vladimir Putin. “They are even more brazen than usual,” Kaczyński complained. Sławomir Mentzen of the opposition far-right Confederation party, which is the least pro-Ukrainian major grouping in Poland, went further in criticizing both the current Tusk government and past PiS administrations, saying Poland “slept through” the drone revolution on the battlefield that is evident in Ukraine’s war against Russia, a point some military experts in Poland have raised as well. “We are absolutely not ready for this conflict. We have spent tens of billions of dollars for arms that won’t be here only a few years from now and once we have it, what use is it going to be, Mentzen said.

WARSAW — Poland’s stint at the top table of European foreign policy lasted only about a year and half; now it’s being derailed by open political warfare between the country’s president and prime minister. Poland was absent from the White House crisis meeting that saw top European leaders rush to Washington to protect Ukraine’s Volodymyr Zelenskyy from Donald Trump. An earlier effort to revive the Weimar Triangle of Poland, Germany and France is fading as Paris and Berlin warm ties on their own, and Poland’s status as one of Kyiv’s most important allies is being undercut by political battles over Ukrainian refugees. Those internal divisions will be on full display on Wednesday, when newly elected right-wing President Karol Nawrocki will be at the White House to visit his political ally Trump, who openly campaigned for him during the Polish presidential election earlier this year. That’s dismaying pro-EU Prime Minister Donald Tusk, who sent a nitpicking message to Nawrocki, reminding him that under the Polish constitution it’s the government led by the prime minister that sets Polish foreign policy. “It will probably take some time for the president’s office to get up to speed, to fully understand the rules of the game and the consequences of the constitutional provisions. I will patiently explain and inform them what such cooperation should look like,” needled Tusk. NO LOVE LOST The visit is turning into a power play between the two politicians — whose distaste for each other is unconcealed. Nawrocki’s office reacted with disdain on getting instructions from the foreign ministry on the goals of the U.S. visit. Rafał Leśkiewicz, Nawrocki’s spokesperson, called them a “joke” printed out on a single sheet of paper. The foreign ministry fired back that it was, “in fact the position of the Polish government, which is by nature concise.” “The government’s approach is reductionist. They see the president as merely putting a face to policy or acting as a spokesperson, reading prepared instructions,” Radosław Fogiel, an MP for the populist Law and Justice (PiS) party that backs Nawrocki, told POLITICO. “Representing the country means something broader. The president, as the state’s representative, cannot be limited to a government spokesperson role,” said Fogiel, who is deputy chair of the parliamentary foreign affairs committee.  On Wednesday, newly elected right-wing President Karol Nawrocki will be at the White House. | Artur Widak/NurPhoto via Getty Images But the government is adamant that Tusk holds the reins. “The president represents Poland but presents the position of the state, which is the position of the government, even if he disagrees with it,” foreign ministry spokesperson Paweł Wroński told Polish media, adding: “There cannot be two foreign policies for one state.” FIGHTING FOR POWER The battle is part of a broader war over who rules Poland. Tusk leads a centrist coalition that took power in December 2023 after ousting the PiS government that had been in charge for eight years. Nawrocki was backed by PiS, and his victory in June, plus Trump’s return to the White House, derailed Tusk’s hopes of bringing Poland fully back into the EU mainstream. Tusk did have success in unblocking billions in EU cash that had been frozen by Brussels over worries that the previous PiS government was politicizing the courts and undermining the rule of law. His government was also welcomed back at the bloc’s top table — boosted by Poland’s rapidly growing military and defense budget as well as its stellar economic performance. Now he’s embroiled in a guerrilla war with Nawrocki, who is using his national mandate to try and carve out a bigger role for himself, both at home and abroad. In his first few weeks in office, Nawrocki vetoed a flurry of government-backed legislation. During a stormy meeting last week between Nawrocki and Tusk’s Cabinet, the president tried to get involved in the details of a project to build an airport in central Poland, berated the finance minister and called on the government to update its program to include his own campaign promises. While Nawrocki won’t have an easy time upending Tusk domestically, he does have more latitude outside the country. The trip to Washington will be Nawrocki’s first foreign visit — a sign of the importance of the U.S. to Poland and also of the political ties between the Polish and U.S. presidents. Nawrocki and Trump will hold “bilateral discussions, not only about Ukraine but also about Poland’s security. We must focus on threats to Poland, because there are plenty of them. That does not mean we will not talk about Ukraine’s future, because Poland cannot be left out of that discussion,” Nawrocki’s foreign policy aide Marcin Przydacz said earlier this week. Tusk and Nawrocki are set to meet one-on-one ahead of the trip to Washington; the alliance with the U.S. is seen as crucial to Poland’s security by all sides in the deeply divided country. TARGETING UKRAINIANS Poland’s fierce domestic political infighting is also straining Warsaw’s relations with Kyiv. The government’s competing against Nawrocki on who’s tougher against immigrants — including Ukrainians who fled to Poland after Russia’s attack. Nawrocki last week vetoed a government-sponsored bill extending help for Ukrainians in Poland, arguing it would put Ukrainians ahead of Poles in accessing health care and the 800-złoty (€188) monthly child benefit. The vetoed bill also put in question further financing by Poland of Ukraine’s access to Elon Musk’s Starlink satellite internet. “This is the end of Starlink internet, which Poland provides to Ukraine,” Digital Affairs Minister Krzysztof Gawkowski wrote on social platform X. “Mr. President, you must stop blindly attacking the government in the name of a political battle. You are hurting people who are fighting for their independence and at the same time helping Russia,” he added. Nawrocki’s office stressed Poland’s stance on supporting Ukraine’s defense is unchanged. He has now submitted his own bill on aid to Ukrainians in Poland, which, he said, could restore Starlink financing if the parliament — controlled by a majority fiercely opposed to Nawrocki — passes it. The government said it’s submitting its own proposal to restore Starlink financing for Ukraine ahead of the next parliamentary session, due Sept. 9-12.