REPRESSION TARGETS CHITA ANARCHISTS ALREADY JAILED FOR WAR RESISTANCE
AND ANTI-REGIME GRAFFITI
~ Antti Rautiainen ~
The regional prosecutor’s office for the Trans-Baikal region in eastern Siberia
has submitted a petition to a local court to recognize the “Trans-Baikal Left
Association” as a terrorist organisation. The petition refers to the telegram
channel 75zlo, allegedly maintained by jailed anarchists Aleksandr Snezhkov and
Lyubov Lizunova, which the petition asks to declare as “leaders” of this
association.
The court hearing is scheduled for January 13. Currently the channel has 72
subscribers, and no posts have been published there since the anarchists were
detained. If the court agrees with the prosecutor’s office and recognises 75zlo
as a “terrorist community”, any activity related to it will be prohibited. In
Russia, “forming a terrorist organisation” is punishable from 15 years in prison
to a life sentence. Aleksandr does not agree with the prosecutor’s claim and
will seek to participate in the hearing.
Snezhkov and Lizunova, then 19 and 16 years old, were arrested in October 2022
in Chita, Eastern Siberia, and accused of “vandalism” and “propaganda of
terrorism” for spraying graffiti against the regime and maintaining anti-war
Telegram channels. More than two years later, in November 2024, they were
sentenced by a military court to 6 and 3.5 years in prison, respectively.
75 is the regional code of the Trans-Baikal region used in car licence plates,
and zlo is an acronym for both the Trans-Baikal Left Association and the popular
anti-police slogan “to revenge everything on cops”.
Last October, Snezhkov was sentenced to an additional five years for
“justification of terrorism” for reading his case files to his cellmates. During
his imprisonment, Snezhkov has been sent to solitary confinement for long
periods, last spring he spent 90 days in the hole. During his current pre-trial
detention he was again sent to the hole for 20 days.
Recently, a support group announced a collection of 280 thousand rubles (about
£2,600) to help the two anarchists for costs of parcels during the next six
months.
Letters of support must be written in Russian (use auto-translate) and can be
sent to Aleksandr at:
Снежкову Александру Евгеньевичу 2003 г.р.
Россия, 672010, Забайкальский край, г. Чита, ул Ингодинская, 1а, СиЗО-1. России
по Забайкальскому краю
and to Lyubov at:
Лизуновой Любови Витальевне, 2006 г.р.
Россия, 670000, г.Улан-Удэ, ул.Пристанская, 4-а, ИК-7
It is also possible to write to Alexandr via prisonmail.online using region
“Zabaykalsky Krai” and prison “SIZO-1 Chita”
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
With information from Moscow Anarchist Black Cross, Fires of Freedom and Ivan
Astashin
The post Russia plans to declare anti-war Telegram channel a “terrorist
organisation” appeared first on Freedom News.
Tag - anarchist prisoners
THE CLOSE SUPERVISION CENTRE (CSC) IS PART OF A SYSTEM THAT REQUIRES ENDLESSLY
GREATER PUNISHMENT AND RESOURCES TO DISCIPLINE PRISONERS FACING DEGRADING
CONDITIONS
~ Kevan Thakrar ~
On 26 March 2010, I was condemned to the Close Supervision Centre (CSC) system
following the false and malicious allegations from the corrupt employees of HMP
Frankland, who claimed I had committed an unprovoked attack upon multiple prison
officers there on the 13 March 2010. As was later proven in Newcastle Crown
Court, I had actually unsuccessfully attempted to defend myself using lawful
force against a brutal gang of racist prison officers.
The CSC system is purportedly designed to detain only the most dangerous and
disruptive prisoners, utilising Prison Rule 46 of the Prison Rules 1999 to
effectively impose indefinite solitary confinement upon those of us allocated to
it. The United Nations (UN) defines solitary confinement as an individual being
kept locked inside a cell in isolation for at least 22-hours per day. The UN
Nelson Mandela Rules prohibits this occurring in excess of 15-consecutive days,
classifying any longer as inhumane which is precisely what the CSC is. Since its
creation in 1998 following the Spurr Report by low-ranking prison official
Michael Spurr, it has been misused as an unofficial punishment and plagued by
endemic discrimination easily amounting to institutional racism and
Islamophobia, as well as institutional corruption.
This was exposed by the state itself when, during the rare occasion its prison
inspection body (HMIP) conducted a ‘full inspection’ of CSC 2015, it was unable
to ignore the fact that around half of the CSC population were Muslim. If not
through discrimination, how else could a minority group possibly become the
majority within the most oppressive conditions available within English prisons?
Dare to resist the state or come from a minority background, and prison is where
they send you; but resist within prison, especially as a minority, and the CSC
is the state’s further retaliation. Moreover, many CSC victims suffer from
extreme mental health conditions amounting to disabilities, often developed
within the CSC itself, making us even more vulnerable.
This failing system costs the taxpayer more than £200,000 per prisoner per year,
which is over 4-times the amount spent to detain those within the mainstream
prison population. Despite these exorbitant costs, the CSC continues to expand
like a cancer. This has become supercharged from the moment since Spurr himself
somehow managed to slime his way into becoming Director of HMPPS, the most
senior role within the prison and probation service. Since March 2010, although
the overall prison population has remained relatively stable, the CSC has almost
tripled in capacity going from around 20 men (women have never been deemed
dangerous enough to warrant detention within the CSC it seems) to almost 60.
Although Spurr himself was unceremoniously dismissed for the chaos in prisons
under his leadership, he had already appointed minions who share his sadistic
views to senior positions. The CSC experiment forms part of a much wider
structural drive for control and oppression by those in power within British
society not limited to the vision of its lead architect. Richard Vince, a former
CSC prison officer and who was appointed to Executive Director of High Security
Prisons by Spurr, is currently pressing ahead on the Spurr agenda by creating
another costly CSC unit. Their plan is to close part of G-wing in HMP Frankland,
which is where I suffered the racist events leading to my CSC detention, and a
large part of it re-designated as a CSC unit.
As each CSC unit only operates with the consent of the Prison Officers
Association (POA), they have ensured a wildly disproportionate ratio of them to
prisoners. This enables them to feel safe to abuse the prisoners knowing back-up
is ready should any resistance occur. Currently, HMP Frankland is due to be
plunged into a staffing crisis impacting the entire prison. This will lead to
lockdowns, and these lockdowns in turn will build frustration, leading to
behaviour that will result in CSC referrals. This process of degrading standards
leading to the need for even more CSC facilities is central to endless need for
more resources in our prisons, despite the fact that prisoners themselves are
living off as little as a £2 food budget per day.
It should come as no surprise when the direction of prisons emulates society,
which at this time includes increasing police numbers and powers, creating new
oppressive anti-resistance laws, and greater exploitation of the poor and
disadvantaged who are directed to fight each other for scarce affordable
handouts. As the system expands, those referred to the CSC who would otherwise
be returned to main population due to a lack of space become more likely to be
condemned to the system, and the chances of those within the CSC progressing out
of it diminish further. This same principle applies with the expansion of all
forms of prisons regardless of name or their target, it is the ‘Field of Dreams’
concept, “If you build it, they will come”.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Kevan Thakrar is one of the UK prisoners under ongoing solitary confinement
under the Close Supervision Centre (CSC) system. He can be written to at: Kevan
Thakrar A4907AE, HMP Whitemoor, Longhill Road, March PE15 0PR —- or via
emailaprisoner.com
The post Field of Nightmares: The never-ending expansion of torture units in
England appeared first on Freedom News.
THE REGIME DEPORTED 52 POLITICAL PRISONERS IN EXCHANGE FOR SANCTIONS RELIEF
~ Nikita Ivansky ~
Anarchist Nikolai (Mikola) Dziadok was among 52 political prisoners released and
deported from Belarus to Lithuania on 11 September, following negotiations
between dictator Alexander Lukashenko and US envoy John Colae. In return, the US
lifted sanctions on the state airline Belavia and renewed calls to reopen its
embassy in Minsk—one of the largest prisoner buyouts since the 2020 uprising.
Dziadok, arrested in 2020 and held in torture conditions and near-total
isolation, had faced up to 13 years in prison on charges of organising
“Autonomous Action Belarus”, labelled a criminal group by the regime. He had
previously served five years (2010–2015) before being pardoned as one of the
last prisoners of that period. Although his release had been nominally scheduled
for April, a new case was opened against him, prolonging his detention.
Like the others freed, Dziadok was taken by bus to the Lithuanian border and
expelled. Belarusian KGB officers tore up his passport, as they did for several
prisoners that day, deliberately complicating their lives in exile. Most of
those deported had no legal status in the EU, though Lithuania has granted them
temporary visas.
Anarchists from the Belarusian group Pramen described the deportations as “a new
punishment: instead of jail time, they’re now facing indefinite exile to EU
countries. Lukashenko’s regime is trying to get rid of not only the prisoners
themselves, but also their families, kids, and loved ones, who’ll be forced to
leave Belarus after five years of fighting against prison”.
Not all accepted the deal. Opposition leader Mikola Statkevich refused to leave
Belarus when brought to the “neutral” border zone, reportedly telling KGB
agents: “I don’t care about your kolkhoz leader”—a jab at Lukashenko’s
Soviet-era past. After several hours, masked men took him back into Belarus. His
fate remains unknown.
Talks of trading political prisoners for sanctions have circulated for months.
Liberal opposition circles in exile are even discussing a temporary camp in
Lithuania to host further releases. More than 1,300 people remain imprisoned in
Belarus today, including 24 anarchists and antifascists.
The post Anarchist prisoner released from Belarus appeared first on Freedom
News.
YELINSKY’S SHADOWS IN THE STRUGGLE FOR EQUALITY IS A MASTERFUL EXPLORATION OF
HIS LIFETIME SUPPORTING POLITICAL PRISONERS
~ SoraLX ~
During the current crescendo of authoritarianism, and daily reports of students
and activists branded “political enemies” being hustled into unmarked vans, it
seems especially pertinent to consider the history and trajectory of a movement
created for the very purpose of aiding such victims of state repression. Boris
Yelensky’s Shadows in the Struggle for Equality: A History of the Anarchist Red
Cross is his consideration of Russian revolutionary history, the origins and
evolution of the ARC (later to become the Anarchist Black Cross), and his
lifelong work aiding anarchist political prisoners.
Boris Yelensky stands as one of the lesser-known figures in the history of
anarchist struggle. Through the medium of his informal and immensely readable
style, his retelling of his life and work encourages us to reconsider who is
celebrated in revolutionary history. By his own account, Yelensky is not a
theorist, but his story reveals a powerful and pragmatic organiser who devoted a
lifetime’s worth of energy to the support of anarchist political prisoners. As
Yelensky humbly asserts, “The work was not done for glory, but because we
believed in mutual aid”.
The primary text is flanked by a foreword written by editor Matthew Hart, a
long-standing member of the Los Angeles chapter of the Anarchist Black Cross and
archivist of the organisation’s history, as well as a set of appendices which
include related primary sources and Hart’s own writing on the 1914 Lexington
Avenue explosion and its relationship to the ARC.
The 17 page-size black and white illustrations by artist N.O. Bonzo are a visual
analogue to this reconsideration of canon. Each is portrait of an ARC/ABC member
whose contributions may not be familiar to the reader, but are touched on as
central to the movement’s history throughout the book. Bonzo’s graphic line
drawings are a celebration and memorial of each comrade, their faces wreathed
with floral Arts and Crafts-style garlands.
Hart’s text provides a rigorous contextualisation of Yelensky’s narrative and a
full accounting of the organisation, while the appendices breathe life into
ARC’s history via the voices of its past members. Aside from neatly outlining
the roots, rise, and complications of the ARC as an organisation, the book
delivers what is nearly a parable of life lived in service to the cause.
The complications of such work are well described throughout both Hart’s
foreword and Yelensky’s own writing. The internal conflicts of the movement as
it evolved from pre-1905 revolutionary Russia through and after the Second World
War are on display. The narrative follows the course of the ARC throughout
decades-long struggles to define itself, decisions about with whom to align, and
how to best serve imprisoned comrades. The details and causes of the debate
between those within the organisation who favoured aiding all self-described
revolutionary political prisoners and those who felt that ARC relief should be
directed singularly toward anarchists is well chronicled by both Yelensky and
Hart.
This question is still not easily resolved, and is addressed again and again
throughout ARC’s history. As Yelensky writes, “It is only for lack of space
which prevents me from quoting many other sources which would help to show how
the foundation of a separate anarchist relief organisation was rendered
necessary primarily by the inhumanely sectarian attitude of those social
democrats who at the same time claimed to have an intention of bringing to an
end the unjust society in which we were living then and which we unfortunately
still live”.
Yelensky’s text is scattered with primary sources, including letters from
Alexander Berkman and Rudolph Rocker, which bring to life the particulars of the
debate for modern readers. A letter from Berkman in response to his comrade
Lillie Sarnoff is particularly charming and potentially relatable to the modern
reader. Berkman writes: “Concerning your remark that we cannot work with Left
SR’s, I may tell you that we, at least I, could also not work together with many
of the anarchists who are in the prisons of the Bolsheviki. Yet I am willing to
help them, as prisoners”.
Matthew Hart’s prologue is knowledgeable and thorough and gives extra
contextualization of Yelensky’s writing, including decisions the Yelensky made
to omit pieces of ARC history in his narrative. Given that Shadows numbers only
96 pages, however, I couldn’t help but feel that a 78-pages of Foreword and
Introduction gave an impression that Yelensky’s own words were somehow
insufficient. This is hardly the case, and any reader willing to delve into the
history he relates so lucidly will be rewarded by his engaging text and its
modern relevance.
In all, Yelensky’s writing serves as masterful exploration of the labour of
building and maintaining a revolutionary organisation; labour which has
heretofore been underappreciated. The history provided makes clear the absolute
necessity of the work of the Anarchist Red Cross—and the Anarchist Black Cross
today—and delivers a template for readers seeking to understand how they might
support anarchist prisoners.
Shadows in The Struggle For Equality: The History of The Anarchist Red Cross,
Boris Yelensky, edited by Matthew Hart, illustrations by N. O. Bonzo, 145 pages,
PM Press, 2025.
The post Book review: History of the Anarchist Red Cross appeared first on
Freedom News.