CNT STRIKE COMMITTEE SIGNS AGREEMENT ON WAGES AND CONDITIONS WITH THE AEROSPACE MANUFACTURING COMPANY ~ from CNT Seville ~ The strike at GAZC Sevilla SL, called by CNT and started on October 6, ended yesterday with the signing of a strike settlement agreement. The agreement includes a new bonus system that more fairly compensates night work, promotions, a new professional classification system, greater participation in the creation of the work schedule, and increased flexibility in choosing vacation days. Payment of wages during vacations is corrected, and measures are taken to ensure job stability and guarantee rights for union representation. Mechanisms have been added to the agreement to maintain a climate of dialogue and negotiation so that, in the future, an attempt can be made to avoid the escalation of a possible conflict. The strike ends after a tough conflict that was finally resolved thanks to the impetus given to negotiations by both sides a couple of weeks ago, the result of the willingness of both the union and the company to restart dialogue and end an indefinite strike that ultimately lasted 72 days. Following a constructive final negotiation process, both the union and the company consider the agreement reached to be balanced, with mutual concessions that have made it possible to end the strike. Both parties hope that the signing of the agreement will usher in a new era of mutual understanding, aimed at resolving any future disagreements through dialogue. The post Strike at GAZC Seville ends after 72 days appeared first on Freedom News.

LARGE RETAIL CENTRES, ROADS, AND WASTE MANAGEMENT FACILITIES WERE BLOCKADED ~ from Rapports De Force ~ “For the past 10 months, this mobilisation has been steadily growing,” summarises Orville Pletschette, a trade unionist with the FGTB. From 24 to 26 November, the Belgian inter-union alliance (CSC Christian Democrats, FGTB Socialists, and CGSLB Liberals) organised three days of strikes against the reforms of the “Arizona government,” a coalition of parties ranging from the centre-left—including the Flemish Socialist Party—to the far right. “The strategy was to implement rotating strikes: transport on Monday, the public sector on Tuesday, and the private sector on Wednesday. It’s one of the most ambitious plans the inter-union group can aim for. It shows a desire to further escalate the situation with the government as its target,” the union representative continued. After a particularly successful demonstration in October – 140,000 protesters in Brussels – the Belgian social movement is raising its voice to deliver a snub to Prime Minister Bart De Wever. Three days of rotating strikes November 26th was the high point of the mobilisation. In the morning, pickets, some of which were controlling access, were held in front of several companies in the port of Ghent. The “red” union, FGTB, also counted around forty such pickets in East Flanders, according to Belgian national news. Large retail centres, roads, and waste management facilities were blockaded. In Enghien, teachers and their students formed a human chain of over 2,000 people. Postal services reported that four out of ten mail carriers were on strike, flights at airports were mostly grounded or severely disrupted, and public transportation, at the end of its three-day strike, remained disorganised for some time. “At the Université Libre de Bruxelles, we had three days of continuous blockades,” emphasised Orville Pletschette, a former student union member with the FGTB youth wing. The two previous days were also marked by strikes. On November 25, there was significant mobilisation in municipal administrations, hospitals, administrative offices, and day care centres. On November 24, a railway and public transportation strike disrupted approximately half the trains on main lines, even fewer during rush hour. In Belgium, a minimum service law prevents traffic from being completely stopped, but these significant consequences for traffic indicate that the movement has been supported. Ten Months of Mobilisation The Belgian social movement did not reach such a level of conflict in just a few weeks. The mobilisation began more than ten months ago. It was a response to the government agreement reached between the members of the governing coalition. This agreement included a less favourable pension reform, an attack on unemployment benefits and the integration allowance, and also targeted the status of railway workers and casual workers. The unions reacted quickly, and in February 2025, 100,000 demonstrators gathered for a major protest in Brussels. In March, an inter-professional strike was organised, and numerous regional and sectoral actions took place up until the summer. The mobilisation resumed with even greater intensity in the autumn, with a demonstration that broke the February record and brought together 140,000 people in the streets of Brussels on October 14, according to the union count. Belgian police confirm this increase, announcing 80,000 demonstrators compared to 60,000 in February. Pressure on the Governing Coalition Since the beginning of the battle against the coalition, one of the social movement’s strategies has been to put pressure on the Flemish socialist party, Vooruit, a member of the governing coalition. On November 23, the coalition nearly collapsed, and after complicated discussions among the five member parties, an agreement outlining savings of €9.2 billion by 2029 was narrowly reached. While the Belgian right wing wanted to challenge the automatic indexation of wages to inflation, a measure at the heart of Belgian social policy and a major achievement of the trade union movement, this measure will ultimately only apply to salaries above €4,000 gross per month. “The mobilisation has succeeded in demonstrating that there is no political majority in the country to pass these reforms,” Orville Pletschette continued. Similarly, while the coalition hasn’t abandoned its reforms, it has postponed some of them. For example, the government has failed to make any progress on its pension reform. “This is mainly due to the fact that, unlike the issue of unemployment insurance, workers across all professional, regional, and political categories unanimously reject its proposal to raise the retirement age from sixty-five to sixty-seven,” explains union leader Daniel Kopp to Jacobin magazine. Nevertheless, some reforms have been passed, such as limiting unemployment insurance to two years. The question of building a more assertive social movement has therefore been on the table for the past ten months. With 1.5 million members in the FGTB, the same number in the CSC, and approximately 300,000 in the liberal CGSLB, Belgium boasts a unionisation rate of nearly 50%. While this rate is five times higher than many other European countries multi-day strikes remain difficult to organise. This led some union members, such as Mathieu Overhang of the FGTB, to campaign for longer strikes. This has now been achieved. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Machine translation The post Belgium: Mobilisation and strikes against far-right-led coalition appeared first on Freedom News.

THE STRIKE FUND AND THE SUPPORT OF SOCIAL AND NEIGHBOURHOOD GROUPS KEEP MORALE HIGH ~ CNT Sevilla ~ Fifty days have passed since the workforce of  Gazc Sevilla SL, an aeronautical company, decided to take a stand. They did so on 6 October, calling an indefinite strike under the banner of the  CNT Sevilla union . Fifty days later, the standoff remains firm, with no agreement in sight, but with one certainty: “Our spirits haven’t waned. We are more united than ever and standing up to the company,” says Jesús, one of the striking workers. The spark ignited after months of breaches of contract: ignored professional categories, illegal cuts in vacation pay, imposed work schedules, and a progressive erosion of rights.” We’ve always been on triple shifts, with very poorly paid nights because the collective agreement leaves us vulnerable. The afternoons are awful, and the company forces us to work overtime, even though they deny it,” Jesús complains.The creation of the CNT union branch in May was a response to a wave of layoffs and mounting frustration. Far from negotiating, the company rejected all demands. The assembly then decided to launch an indefinite strike with clear objectives: recognition of job categories, improvements for night shift workers, job security, and an end to the cuts. “If we didn’t have this strike fund and the support of the union, we wouldn’t have lasted 50 days like we have,” admits Jesús. “The management at Gazc Sevilla hasn’t lifted a finger. They keep pretending everything’s fine, that they’re meeting production targets, but from the outside it’s clear they’re not meeting them. They’re resorting to strikebreaking, both internal and external, forcing overtime, and leaving machines running,” the worker explains. The management has resorted to illegal practices: “We’ve already caught them working weekends; we have videos and filed complaints with the Civil Guard. They’re facing penalties.” The company, which receives substantial public subsidies, prefers to absorb losses, pay for private security—”22,000 or 23,000 euros a month“—and install cameras rather than address demands that the strikers describe as “modest.” “It’s not about money; they’re not giving in because of pride. They refuse to back down in the face of a strike,” Jesús concludes.The strike has strengthened membership: from 20 to almost 40 workers in the union section. “People have seen it clearly: the union is a valid tool. Without the CNT, this wouldn’t be possible,” he affirms. The Strike Fund and the support of social groups like Barrios Hartos and Gente de Barrio keep morale high. “There are good days and bad days, but there are always comrades who lift you up when you’re feeling down. If one of us is feeling down, another goes and encourages him. That’s how we’re holding on,” Jesús confesses. The conflict has also exposed the role of other unions. “UGT has always sided with the company. They’ve never achieved anything for the workers, only for those on the morning shift. Now they’ve issued statements against us, even questioning the legality of the strike,” Jesús complains. “Whenever we raised our voices, they ignored us. This time was no different .”The demands are clear and specific. “The ideal agreement hinges on two points: a €150 bonus to compensate for the overtime others work that we can’t, and more flexible vacation time to better balance work and family life. If they close for three weeks in the summer, they should give us one week off to choose from at another time,” Jesús explains. “If the company agrees to that, we can reach an agreement. But we’re not going to negotiate down the price.” To understand the magnitude of the conflict, it’s helpful to know what these workers do: “We machine aircraft parts. We’re the first link, the most important, because if we don’t produce, the rest can’t work. And we’re the ones who suffer the most: three shifts, poorly paid nights, and constant pressure to work overtime.” The question hangs in the air. How much longer can this last? “It’s a matter of time. But the moment will come when they have to sit down, one way or another”, Jesús asserts. His prediction: “I don’t think they can hold out much longer. They’re behind on their payments and risking lawsuits. I think it will be sooner than many expect”. Meanwhile, the strike continues to set the pace at Gazc Sevilla. A struggle that, beyond the numbers, speaks of workers’ dignity in the face of corporate arrogance. Because, as they repeat on the picket line, “if we don’t fight, nobody will fight for us”. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Machine translation   The post GAZC Seville strike enters 50th day appeared first on Freedom News.

MORE THAN 150,000 PEOPLE TOOK TO THE STREETS AGAINST BELGIUM’S “ARIZONA” GOVERNMENT — A COALITION OF LIBERALS, CENTRISTS AND THE FAR RIGHT ~ From Stuut ~ On Tuesday, October 14, more than 150,000 people responded to the call to demonstrate against the Arizona government in Brussels . The demonstration began around 11 a.m. at the Gare du Nord and ended mid-afternoon at the Gare du Midi. Throughout the route, there were clashes between protesters and law enforcement, resulting in numerous incidents of police violence. At least five people were reportedly arrested under judicial arrest and around twenty under administrative arrest. Around ten people with serious injuries were reportedly hospitalised. Early in the morning, around 7 a.m., several roads in the capital were blocked as part of the strike. Groups of protesters blocked the Brussels Inner Ring Road and the capital’s inner ring road. These blockades paralysed a significant portion of road traffic in the Brussels Region. Other blockades and pickets took place, notably at the ULB , the INSAS film school , and the Saint Pierre University Hospital . All denounce the anti-social measures and job insecurity put in place by the current government. The demonstration then took place in a very determined atmosphere against the anti-social measures implemented by the Arizona government. Different blocs were present: the bloc of workers in the cultural sector, education, services and domestic help, the bloc of dockers, the bloc of lawyers, and the bloc of the neutral zone collective. Everyone had come to express their anger at the government’s measures to make society precarious. Many demonstrators thus decided to target places of power such as the Immigration Office, the headquarters of the Socialist Party, the headquarters of the MR , the ONE M.  (the National Employment Office), etc. Around 11:30 a.m., shortly after departure, clashes with law enforcement officers took place following the targeting of the Immigration Office. Slogans were chanted in tribute to Mahmoud Ezzat Farag Allah, who died last Monday in the 127bis closed centre, as well as to the many other Palestinian refugees currently detained in the closed centre. The large police presence then tear-gassed, trapped, and clubbed the protesters in front of the Immigration Office. The illegal confinement, in a cramped area, lasted nearly two hours, and protesters were violently arrested by the police. Several people were clubbed and wrestled to the ground, and some were even reportedly arrested and assaulted in the parking lots adjacent to the building. The crowd then gathered in front of the net, before the police charged and gassed them again. After more than two hours, the people trapped were released. Protesters then targeted the Hilton Hotel located at Gare Centrale, attacking the front and breaking into the hotel. Some of the furniture inside was damaged. Subsequently, further clashes between protesters and police took place, notably at the Gare Centrale, Mont des Arts, in the Marolles district, and finally in the Gare du Midi district, where the procession split into several wildcat demonstrations. Later in the afternoon, around 4 p.m., the police also charged at the Parvis de Saint-Gilles, where a wildcat demonstration was still underway. The vast police presence and the level of repression implemented by the security forces demonstrate a clear political will on the part of the authorities: to violently repress all the most dissenting demonstrators. This massive mobilisation marks a key moment in the fight against the Arizona government and its fascistic dynamics. It also constituted a moment of collective strength for the more than 140,000 people who gathered in Brussels for this occasion. Among the protesters were people from all social groups. One thing is certain: popular anger against the social destruction carried out by this fascist government is not about to die down. On the contrary, it continues to grow. The post Brussels: Mass mobilisation against “Arizona” government appeared first on Freedom News.

A DECENTRED LEADERLESS MOVEMENT AIMS TO SHUT DOWN FRANCE ON 10 SEPTEMBER IN A POWERFUL ATTACK ON THE BANKRUPTCY OF MACRONISM ~ punkacademic ~ It’s unusual that the loss of a Prime Minister and their government might not be the worst thing to happen in a week for a sitting French President, but this week might be the exception. Emmanuel Macron’s intellectually-bankrupt political project hit the skids again on Monday night when his Prime Minister, Francois Bayrou, was compelled to resign after losing a confidence vote in the National Assembly. The writing was on the wall (literally, in some places) – the reaction to Bayrou’s proposed austerity budget, which would have frozen pensions, implemented 44bn in cuts, and axed two bank holidays, had made his demise inevitable. But a greater threat to Macron looms; the threat of direct action on the part of a leaderless, decentralised movement, which has one simple call to arms – ‘Block Everything’. The bloquons tout, as they are known, originated online and have evolved into a mass movement which has drawn parallels with the Gilet Jaunes (Yellow Vests) of 2018-2020, but which has a vastly different political profile. With many participants aged between 25 and 34, the bloquons tout are often graduates and hail from a different end of the socioeconomic spectrum than the disappointed retirees who manned the Yellow Vests’ blockades. These rebels are of the left, as recent research has shown. With mainstream political parties and unions not wanting to miss out on a train leaving the station, they have drawn support from the CGT, the Socialist Party, and Jean-Luc Mélenchon’s La France Insoumise. The energy comes from outside the parties and unions, however, with the French authorities preparing for significant disruption in centres of left-wing activism including Nantes, Rennes, and Lyon. The Federation Anarchiste is mobilising in Rennes, Paris and across France, manning blockades, encouraging workers to strike, and broadcasting an online radio show covering developments from the participant perspective. French analysts are divided on whether Bayrou’s resignation will draw the sting of the Block Everything movement, with some claiming the fall of the government will demobilise the protestors, whilst others claim it will ‘galvanise’ them. Estimates from the French security establishment that 100,000 people can be expected to take part across France seem like wishful thinking on their part and an attempt to demotivate protesters. Block Everything represents a rejection of conventional politics that has repeatedly been shown wanting in France. In mid-2024, following a disastrous political gamble in calling an election to face down Marine le Pen, Macron’s determination to freeze out the left-wing New Popular Front which had gained a plurality of seats has led to crisis after crisis and a revolving door of Prime Ministers. Each time a Macronist Prime Minister seeks to raise the rhetorical temperature in political terms is a clearer demonstration than the last that French political institutions cannot deliver the change younger voters want and need, with some economists claiming the fiscal ‘crisis’ has been blown out-of-proportion. The Federation Anarchiste is using this moment as a teachable one, with comrades using the venues and spaces opened up by the 10th November day of action to communicate the nature and possibilities of anarchism. Though one pundit (rightly) stated that the CGT has strayed far from its revolutionary roots at the dawn of the 20th century, their ability to close down workplaces remains pivotal. Calls for a general strike have been heard from the left. Though a general strike is unlikely, workplace occupations and cross-sector action have been mooted. With air-traffic controllers also set to go out on strike the following week, the potential for continued disruption is real. ‘Block Everything’ promises to be significant, with some pundits claiming it could witness the biggest turnout since the May ’68 events. Whether it does or not, it represents a major challenge to Macron’s politics of zombie neoliberalism, with the mainstream press claiming France ‘may have become ungovernable’. We can but hope. The post Tomorrow, France revolts appeared first on Freedom News.

LUXURY DEPARTMENT STORE WOES MOUNT AS WORKERS OPPOSE RELENTLESS OVERWORK, STAGNANT WAGES AND STRIPPED-BACK BENEFITS ~ Francis Kingston ~ With the luxury department store facing serious questions about its handling of Mohamed Al Fayed’s sexual abuse, Harrods workers are preparing to strike over Christmas. Hundreds of retail, restaurant, kitchen and cleaning staff are balloting for strikes to start on 19 December, right in the middle of the store’s busiest season. Having previously achieved a pay rise, staff say they still face relentless overwork, stagnant wages and stripped-back benefits, but Harrods does not recognise the United Voices of the World (UVW) union which represents them. According to the union, part-time cleaning staff are forced to work nine days straight starting around 5am, bank holiday shifts are now mandatory and workers say days off are a fight to get. Waiters in Harrods’ restaurants are demanding transparency over tips, a Christmas bonus and a meal allowance. “Harrods is prioritising profits over its workforce while owners are payed grotesque sums“, said UVW’s Petros Elia. The ballot closes on 4 December. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Photo: David Iliff, CC BY-SA 3.0 The post Harrods workers balloting for Xmas strike appeared first on Freedom News.