Numerous countries including Jordan, Qatar and Algeria, as well as the African Union, have rejected Israel’s decision to recognize Somaliland, a breakaway region in Somalia. Israel on Friday became the first country to recognize Somaliland since the territory claimed its independence from the eastern African country of Somalia in 1991. The country has been engulfed in a brutal civil war since then. Somaliland is located on Somalia’s Gulf of Aden coast where the Bab el-Mandeb strait connects with the Red Sea, a highly strategic section of global maritime trade routes. It neighbours Djibouti, which houses the largest U.S. military base on the African continent. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu signed a joint declaration with Somaliland President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullah “in the spirit of the Abraham Accords,” a series of agreements to create commercial and diplomatic ties between Israel and Arab countries, AP reported. Netanyahu is expected to meet U.S. President Donald Trump on Monday in Florida. On Friday the New York Post reported that Trump said he would not follow Israel’s lead in recognizing Somaliland’s independence. The U.S. State Department on Saturday said it continued to recognize the territorial integrity of Somalia, “which includes the territory of Somaliland.” Qatar called the declaration “a dangerous precedent and a unilateral action that contravenes the principles of international law.” The African Union said it “firmly rejects any initiative or action aimed at recognizing Somaliland as an independent entity” without mentioning Israel. The European External Action Service, the EU’s diplomatic arm, also reacted to the news, saying in a statement Saturday that it “reaffirms the importance of respecting the unity, the sovereignty and the territorial integrity” of Somalia. It also called for “meaningful dialogue” between Somalia and Somaliland, according to the statement.

The European Union’s efforts to secure its external borders have been questioned after a Libyan naval vessel opened fire on a French ship that was rescuing migrants. Although no one was killed or injured, the incident has led to a major political row in Italy, which gave the Libyans the boat as part of an EU program. On Aug. 24, the Ocean Viking, a ship belonging to the French NGO SOS Méditerranée, came under fire in international waters about 40 nautical miles off the coast of Libya. The Ocean Viking had just rescued 87 people from a rubber dinghy when a Libyan coast guard patrol boat approached and opened fire at close range. “Without any warning or ultimatum, two men aboard the patrol vessel opened fire on our humanitarian ship, unleashing at least 20 relentless minutes of assault gunfire directly at us,” the NGO said in a statement, denouncing what it called a “violent and deliberate attack.” The vessel sustained serious damage: shattered windows, broken antennnae, bullet holes in the bridge and destroyed rescue equipment. Prosecutors in Siracusa, Sicily have opened a criminal investigation into the attack. Last week, police boarded the Ocean Viking in the town of Augusta in Sicily, where the 87 rescued migrants disembarked, to inspect the damage and gather testimony. According to SOS Méditerranée, the boat that attacked them was a Corrubia-class patrol vessel built in Italy and given to Libya in 2023 under the EU Border Assistance Mission in Libya program, part of Europe’s strategy of outsourcing border control. During the attack, the Ocean Viking crew issued a mayday call and alerted NATO, which referred them to the Italian navy. “However, the Italian Navy never answered the phone,” the NGO said in its statement. Valeria Taurino, the director of SOS Méditerranée Italy, called for “a thorough investigation” into the incident and an end to European cooperation with Libya. “An entity that makes illegal claims in international waters, obstructs rescues, and attacks unarmed humanitarian operators cannot be considered a competent authority,” she said. After the 87 rescued people left the ship, the Ocean Viking and its crew were held in isolation for several days on health grounds, as one of those rescued tested positive for tuberculosis. On Friday the NGO announced the Italian authorities had finally lifted the quarantine, allowing the crew to disembark. The Italian government — led by Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni — has been clamping down on NGOs as part of its drive to reduce migration. On Monday another rescue ship — the Mediterranea — was placed under administrative detention after it let 10 migrants disembark in Trapani — the nearest safe port — instead of following Interior Ministry orders to sail to Genoa, some 770 kilometers away. The move reflects stricter rules introduced in 2023 by Interior Minister Matteo Piantedosi, which require that NGO ships notify authorities after a rescue and then sail immediately to a designated port, often hundreds of kilometers away. Critics say the measure cripples rescue operations by forcing vessels to make long detours. The Italian government — led by Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni — has been clamping down on NGOs as part of its drive to reduce migration. | Fabio Frustaci/EPA “It’s like forcing a burn victim to remain in the flames,” said Laura Marmorale, president of Mediterranea Saving Humans, denouncing the policy as “inhumane” and “unacceptable.” The incidents have led to sharp criticism of the Italian government. Opposition leader Elly Schlein of the Democratic Party urged the government to end its migration deal with Libya, while Green Europe lawmaker Angelo Bonelli condemned the use of Italian-built boats to launch attacks on NGOs. He denounced Meloni’s silence as a “political and moral surrender that humiliates our country before Europe and the world.” However, Piantedosi pointed the finger at NGOs rather than at the Libyan shooters. “It is the State that fights human traffickers and manages and coordinates rescues at sea. Not the NGOs,” he wrote on social media. EU institutions reacted more cautiously. During a press briefing on Tuesday, a Commission spokesperson described the Ocean Viking episode as “worrying,” saying Brussels had contacted Libyan authorities to “clarify the facts.” The EU’s border agency Frontex called the incident “deeply concerning” and called for a swift investigation, stressing: “No rescuer should ever be put in danger while carrying out life-saving work.” Speaking at a conference in Rimini last week, Meloni said her policies had “drastically” reduced arrivals and cut “the number of deaths and missing persons at sea.” She framed her migration crackdown as a humanitarian success: “Nothing is more important than saving a human life, than tearing it away from the claws of human traffickers.” Yet critics argue that Italy’s approach comes at the cost of partnering with abusive countries. Valeria Taurino, the director of SOS Méditerranée Italy, called for “a thorough investigation” into the incident and an end to European cooperation with Libya.| Donato Fasano/EPA In January, the government faced backlash for releasing Osama Al-Masri Njeem, a Libyan general wanted by the International Criminal Court for alleged war crimes. A 2021 video shared by the NGO Refugees in Libya shows Al-Masri allegedly executing a man in Tripoli. EU’S MIGRATION GAMBLE The attack on the NGO vessel has highlighted Europe’s uneasy partnership with Libya. Since the ousting of Muammar Gaddafi in 2011, the country has fractured and become a major transit hub for migrants from Africa, the Middle East and Central Asia. Despite widespread reports of torture, sexual violence and forced labor in Libya’s detention system, the EU and Italy have continued to support the Libyan coast guard. Rome signed the Italy–Libya Memorandum in 2017, funding and equipping Libyan patrols. The deal, criticized by rights groups, was renewed in 2019 and again in 2023. Since taking office in 2022, Meloni has tightened those ties further, securing an $8 billion gas deal in 2023. At the same time, the EU has spent more than €91 million on border and migration management in Libya since 2014 as part of a €338 million migration package, while Italy has spent nearly €300 million on containment measures since 2017. But oversight of these funds remains weak. In a report released in September 2024, the European Court of Auditors warned that more than €5 billion from the EU Trust Fund for Africa had been disbursed with insufficient controls. Europe’s reliance on Libya is complicated further by rivalries with other powers. Russia has expanded its presence through arms supplies and a planned naval base in Tobruk, while Turkey is accused of cutting maritime deals with Libyan authorities that Greece deems illegal under international law. In July, EU Migration Commissioner Magnus Brunner defended the need for Brussels to activate talks with Libyan strongman Khalifa Haftar as a necessary step to prevent Russian President Vladimir Putin from further weaponizing migration. “There is certainly a danger that Russia … [will] use migrants and the migration issue as a weapon against Europe,” he told POLITICO. “This weaponization is taking place, and of course we also fear that Russia intends to do the same with Libya.” In July, Brunner was ejected from Benghazi as “persona non grata” over an apparent breakdown in diplomatic protocol. He had been leading a delegation of senior EU representatives — including ministers from Italy, Malta and Greece — in an attempt to discuss efforts to tackle the flow of migrants into Europe from the country.

Steven Everts is the director of the EU Institute for Security Studies. This article is based on a new report called “Unpowering Russia: How the EU can counter the Kremlin.” The EU faces a Russian threat that goes well beyond Moscow’s war against Ukraine. Every day, the Kremlin’s actions harm European interests in key regions and domains. Yet, the bloc struggles with how to respond, trapped between overestimating Moscow’s strength and underestimating its hostility. According to a new report by the EU Institute for Security Studies, what Europe needs is a strategy not just of containment or building resilience but of “unpowering Russia” — systematically reducing the Kremlin’s ability to harm the bloc. Let’s be realistic: Yes, Russia is a global power that can, and does, hurt core EU interests. But it is also losing economic, diplomatic and demographic ground. Its “unlimited partnership” with China is becoming increasingly unbalanced with Beijing calling the shots. Much of the so-called global south remains wary of becoming pawns in its geopolitical games. And around the world, it often has to compensate for strategic weaknesses with bravado and improvisation. However, Moscow’s danger lies precisely in its agility. It can meddle with European democracies, fuel instability in Africa and the Middle East, and support authoritarian regimes around the world with only modest resources. It is time the EU pushes back — and hits the Kremlin where it hurts. One of the most immediate threats the EU could tackle is Russia’s so-called “shadow fleet”—tankers carrying oil through European waters under murky ownership, dodging sanctions and funding Russian President Vladimir Putin’s war machine. The bloc could act without delay by aggressively policing territorial waters and exclusive economic zones, especially in the Mediterranean, Baltic and North seas. If ships lack valid insurance or pose environmental risks, it should seize them or turn them away. This is about enforcement — not escalation. It is legal, effective, and it would turn the tables on Russia’s hybrid tactics. The EU needs to act smarter on deterrence as well. This means not being intimidated by Russia’s repeated nuclear threats and bluffs, instead focusing on ramping up practical military aid for Ukraine — from artillery to drones and other scalable systems — without telegraphing its moves in advance for Moscow to manipulate. Then, there’s China. As Beijing and Moscow draw closer, the EU should start using economic leverage — whether by tightening investment screening or threatening targeted export freezes on dual-use goods. Europe’s diplomacy should also continue to expose the contradiction between China’s stated respect for sovereignty and its indulgence of Putin’s imperial revanchism. Next, there’s the battle of narratives. Russia’s information warfare may be cheap, but it’s effective, flooding airwaves with lies, fueling discontent and manipulating debate. Meanwhile, Europe’s response has been fragmented and timid. This should end. The bloc needs a real strategic communications capacity to empower initiatives like EUvsDisinfo, support independent media in vulnerable regions, and work in local languages. The message? Democracy, self-determination and sovereignty aren’t Western concepts. They’re universal principles — and Russia tramples them. Finally, the EU needs to deepen its regional engagement in order to crowd out Russia’s influence. As Beijing and Moscow draw closer, the EU should start using economic leverage — whether by tightening investment screening or threatening targeted export freezes on dual-use goods. | Yuri Kochetkov/EPA In the Western Balkans, this means rewarding reformers and punishing obstructionists, possibly in smaller groups of the willing if there’s no bloc-wide consensus. In the Southern Mediterranean, it means cooperating with Turkey to resolve conflicts that Russia exploits. In Africa, it means pivoting from crisis response to truly becoming the oft-claimed “partner of choice” by investing in joint efforts on infrastructure, education and critical raw materials, while backing the continent’s agency in global governance forums. And in the Indo-Pacific, it means playing to Europe’s strengths as a reliable partner that’s open to trade and collaboration on the issues and challenges that will shape the future: cyber, AI and clean tech. In all these regions, the EU must also go beyond the circles already familiar with it, such as governments and businesses, and invest in building ties with civil society and future leaders. The main conclusion here is that Europe is far from powerless — it is simply under-leveraged. The EU has diplomatic reach, economic heft, security tools and a track record of seeking partnerships rather than establishing spheres of influence. However, it needs to use these assets with alacrity and strategic intent. If it is to “unpower” Russia, the EU must think and act in terms of power — and have the courage to use it. Most importantly, the EU doesn’t need anyone else’s permission to do this. It can seize oil tankers, expose falsehoods and show up in places Russia has long taken for granted. Unlike so many other things in Europe, “unpowering” Russia won’t start with a grand summit — it will start with action. The Kremlin already plays the game. It is time the EU played it better.

PARIS — Ultranationalist social media influencers from Algeria are spreading hate across France — the country that used to rule it. The trend has triggered a wave of nervousness in government in Paris, with several high-profile arrests over the past few weeks. A handful of online influencers have built a large audience, incited violence and terrorist activity, and, in some cases, targeted French-based opponents of the Algerian regime. The influencers are “profiteering from a context of heightened tensions between France and Algeria” French Interior Minister Bruno Retailleau told weekly newspaper L’Express. Relations between France and its former colony have been fraught for decades, poisoned by resentment over the 132-year bloody rule, violence committed during Algeria’s war of independence that ended in 1962, and, more recently, deadlock on migration issues. They took a nosedive after President Emmanuel Macron over the summer sided with Algeria’s regional rival Morocco in a long-running feud about Western Sahara, giving a nod to Morocco’s autonomy plan for the disputed territory. At least seven people have been arrested since early January for their online posts, where they are accused of inciting violence against individuals and, in some cases, calling for terrorist attacks against France. In one of the most high-profile cases, an Algerian living in the western city of Brest who goes by the name of zazouyoucef, is accused of glorifying terrorism after posting several inflammatory video clips on TikTok, where his account had 400,000 followers. At least one of the clips mentions by name Algerian President Abdelmadjid Tebboune and seemingly threatens his opponents. “Among these influencers, there are lone wolves, crazy people who have no link [with the Algerian regime] but who acted against the backdrop of preexisting rhetoric,” said Chawki Benzehra, a France-based online Algerian activist and opponent to the regime who has played an active role in flagging violent posts on his social media accounts. None of posts has resulted in an actual act of violence that has been documented or been linked to a credible terrorist threat. > 🚨Un algérien 🇩🇿 habitant à Brest appelle à commettre des attentas en France > 🇫🇷 le 1er janvier contre toute personne qui manifesterait à Paris contre le > régime Algérien❗️Malgré les signalements, les autorités françaises > (@BrunoRetailleau) n’ont procédé à aucune arrestation et cet… > pic.twitter.com/AxwBsj8Y6L > > — Chawki Benzehra شوقي بن زهرة (@ChawkiBenzehra) December 31, 2024 PULLING THE STRINGS A number of pro-regime, nationalist Algerian influencers have emerged over the past couple of years, but things took a turn after France’s Western Sahara move, Benzehra said. “It was like an orchestrated wave … Toward the end of last year, people started to flag video clips that were way over the line.” The French government has refrained from accusing the Algerian government of pulling the strings.  “At this stage we have no evidence that this is a coordinated campaign,” Retailleau said. “We haven’t seen artificial amplification or coordination,” a French security official who was granted anonymity to discuss a sensitive matter, said. “Generally speaking, the Algerian ecosystem isn’t really structured or experienced [when it comes to online influence],” he added. The very high number of followers for several of these accounts has caught the eye of officials and academics. One of the online activists arrested last week, dubbed Mahdi B. had more than 800,000 followers on TikTok. He was sentenced to prison for glorifying terrorism, local media reported. “I have been surprised by the number of followers,” said Benjamin Stora, a prominent historian who was commissioned in 2020 by Macron to work on the issue of French colonization. | Ludovic Marin/AFP via Getty Images “I have been surprised by the number of followers,” said Benjamin Stora, a prominent historian who was commissioned in 2020 by Macron to work on the issue of French colonization and ways to mend wounds left open after the country’s war of independence. “[Their message] is not very elaborate … But here is one idea which is nationalism,” he added. “The nationalist craze in [part of] the Algerian diaspora is new.” ‘WIDE ECHO IN FRANCE’ France is home to a diaspora of more than 2 million Algerian immigrants and descendants of immigrants, according to French national statistics institute Insee. Most of the accused influencers, whose accounts have now been deleted by social media platforms, are publishing in Algerian Arabic, and their audience is both inside and outside of France. “The accounts who have the biggest following have an Arabic-speaking audience spreading over multiple countries,” a government adviser with knowledge of the investigations said. But they have “a wide echo in France,” he said. The two countries are also at loggerheads over the fate of Boualem Sansal, a 75-year-old French-Algerian writer and outspoken critic of the Algerian regime, who was detained after stepping off a plane in Algiers in November, with Macron accusing Algeria of “dishonoring itself.” The European Parliament on Thursday approved a resolution calling for Sansal’s immediate release, calling it a human rights violation. The two countries are also at loggerheads over the fate of Boualem Sansal, a 75-year-old French-Algerian writer and outspoken critic of the Algerian regime. | François Guillot/AFP via Getty Images Macron’s Western Sahara move came after unsuccessful efforts by the French president to try to mend the relationship. It was interpreted by some as a pragmatic move by Macron, presumably to strengthen its relationship with one of the few remaining allies it has in the region, at the expense of Algeria. A lot of France’s historical allies in the Sahel — many of which are former colonies — turned hostile. The Western Sahara move and Macron’s open support to Sansal infuriated the Algerian regime, which some are now suspecting of fueling the online campaign powered by members of the Algerian diaspora, either directly or by proxy. Algerian state-controlled media has a long history of attacking France, fueling the fire of resentment and anger against Paris among part of the Algerian population at home and the Algerian community abroad. After Sansal’s arrest and reports about Macron’s first criticism, Algeria’s state-owned press agency lashed out at France’s political class and accused it of infringing on Algerian sovereignty. “The Algerian regime is extremely fragile and the more fragile it is, the more it hits France,” said a French diplomatic official who, like others in this story, was granted anonymity to discuss a sensitive matter. “The French position on Western Sahara is seen as a stab in the back.”

The EU recalled its ambassador to Niger amid a row with the African country over the handling of €1.3 million in humanitarian aid. In a sign of deteriorating relations with Niger, Brussels reacted to accusations from the country’s military junta that it handed financial aid to assist flood victims directly to NGOs, therefore bypassing the local authorities. “The European Union expresses its profound disagreement with the allegations and justifications put forward by the transitional authorities,” the bloc’s foreign affairs arm, the European External Action Service, wrote in a statement on Saturday. The EU said it will “continue supporting the population” in Niger. “Humanitarian aid is essential; it is provided neutrally, impartially and independently, and is implemented by United Nations agencies and international organisations and NGOs. Nothing should justify the use of humanitarian aid for political ends,” the EEAS said in the statement. The EU added that it recalled its ambassador to Niger, Portuguese-French diplomat Salvador Pinto da França, for “consultation in Brussels.” The developments mark a new high in the escalating tensions between the EU and Niger, where a military junta that is not recognized by Brussels seized power in a coup d’etat in the summer of 2023. Niger’s military rulers immediately turned against former colonial ruler France, which withdrew its envoy to Niger shortly after the coup.

Mozambique’s Defense Ministry expressed “total openness and willingness to accept a transparent and impartial investigation” into allegations of military violence at a natural gas facility operated by TotalEnergies. POLITICO reported last month that a Mozambican military unit operating out of TotalEnergies’ gatehouse at the site in Cabo Delgado massacred and tortured dozens of civilians in 2021. The soldiers accused villagers who had fled their homes of being members of an Islamist insurgency, then crammed them into shipping containers and subjected them to beatings and starvation over three months. Of those captured, only a small portion survived. In a press release on Sunday, the ministry refuted the allegations that the army was involved in acts of torture and violence, arguing that they were not corroborated by evidence. It also said the armed forces in the area had been “exclusively focused on combatting terrorist acts, protecting populations and their assets, as well as ensuring security in areas threatened by terrorists.” TotalEnergies contracted a Mozambican security unit to defend the plant despite warnings that some soldiers had allegedly carried out human rights abuses.  The energy giant told POLITICO it had “no knowledge of the alleged events described” nor “any information indicating that such events took place.”