LONDON — Britain stepped up a promise to send troops into Ukraine — and left
open a host of questions about how it will all work in practice.
At a meeting of the “coalition of the willing” in Paris this week, the U.K. and
France signed a “declaration of intent” to station forces in Ukraine as part of
a multinational bid to support any ceasefire deal with Russia. It builds on
months of behind-the-scenes planning by civil servants and military personnel
eager to put heft behind any agreement.
Despite promising a House of Commons vote, U.K. Prime Minister Keir Starmer has
so far shared very little information publicly about how the operation might
work and what its terms of engagement will be, at a time when Britain’s armed
forces are already under significant strain.
This lack of transparency has begun to raise alarm bells in defense circles. Ed
Arnold of think tank the Royal United Services Institute has described the U.K.
as being in “a really dangerous position,” while retired commander Tim Collins
said any peacekeeping mission would not be credible without higher defense
spending.
Even Nigel Farage was in on the action Wednesday — the populist leader of
Britain’s Reform UK party said he couldn’t sign up to the plan in its current
form, and predicted the country could only keep its commitments going “for six
or eight weeks.”
Here are the key questions still lingering for Starmer’s government.
HAS THE UK GOT ENOUGH TROOPS?
In France, Emmanuel Macron is at least starting to get into the numbers. The
French president gave a televised address Tuesday in which he said France
envisaged sending “several thousands” of troops to Ukrainian territory.
But Starmer has given no equivalent commitment. Under pressure in the House of
Commons, the British prime minster defended that position Wednesday, saying the
size of the deployment would depend on the nature of the ceasefire agreed
between Russia and Ukraine.
However, analysts say it is difficult to imagine a scenario in which a
deployment does not place a genuine strain on the U.K.’s military. The country’s
strategic defense review, published last year, stressed that the Britain’s armed
forces have dwindled in strength since the Cold War, leaving “only a small set
of forces ready to deploy at any given moment. The latest figures from the
Ministry of Defence put the number of medically-deployable troops at 99,162.
Figures including former head of the army Richard Dannatt and Matthew Savill,
director of military sciences at RUSI, have warned that a new deployment in
Ukraine would mean pulling away from existing operations.
There is also a hefty question mark over how long troops might be deployed for,
and whether they might be taking on an open-ended commitment of the kind that
snarled Britain for years in Afghanistan. RUSI’s Arnold said positioning troops
in Ukraine could be “bigger” than deployments in Iraq, Afghanistan, Kosovo and
Libya, “not necessarily in numbers, but in terms of the consequences… This
mission absolutely can’t fail. And if it’s a mission that can’t fail, it needs
to be absolutely watertight.”
WHAT HAPPENS IF RUSSIA ACTUALLY ATTACKS?
Ministers have refused to be drawn so far on the expectations placed on troops
who might be stationed in Ukraine as part of the plan.
They have instead placed an emphasis on the U.K.’s role as part of a
“reassurance” force, providing air and maritime support, with ground activity
focused on training Ukrainian soldiers, and have not specified what would happen
if British troops came under direct threat.
The latest figures from the Ministry of Defence put the number of
medically-deployable troops at 99,162. | Pool photo by Jason Alden/EPA
That’s already got Kyiv asking questions. “Would all the COW partners give a
strong response if Russia attacks again? That’s a hard question. I ask all of
them, and I still have not gotten a clear answer,” Ukrainian President Volodymyr
Zelenskyy told reporters via WhatsApp chat on Wednesday.
“I see political will. I see partners being ready to give us strong sanctions,
security guarantees. But until we have legally binding security guarantees,
approved by parliaments, by the U.S. Congress, we cannot answer the question if
partners are ready to protect us,” Zelenskyy added.
Richard Shirreff, former deputy supreme commander of NATO in Europe, told LBC:
“This can’t be a lightly armed ‘blue beret’-type peacekeeping force … enforcing
peace means being prepared to overmatch the Russians, and that means also being
prepared to fight them if necessary.”
A U.K. military official, granted anonymity to speak candidly, said: “There is
no point in troops being there if they’re not prepared to fight.”
Asked if British troops could return fire if they came under attack from Russia,
a Downing Street spokesman said Wednesday afternoon that they would not comment
on “operational hypothetical scenarios.”
Ministers have refused to be drawn so far on the expectations placed on troops
who might be stationed in Ukraine as part of the plan. | Tolga Akmen/EPA
Returning fire might even be one of the simpler possibilities for the army to
contemplate, with less clarity over how peacekeeping forces could respond to
other types of hostile activity designed to destabilize a ceasefire, such as
drone incursions or attempted hacking.
WILL THE US REALLY PROVIDE A BACKSTOP?
Starmer has long stressed that U.K. military involvement will depend on the U.S.
offering back-up.
John Foreman, a former British defense attaché in Moscow and Kyiv, said it was
right for the multinational force to focus on support for Ukraine’s own forces,
pointing out: “It was never going to be able to provide credible security
guarantees — only the U.S. with perhaps key allies can do this.”
While Washington has inched forward in its apparent willingness to provide
security guarantees — including warm words from Donald Trump’s top envoys in
Paris Tuesday — they are by no means set in stone.
The final statement, which emerged from Tuesday’s meeting, was watered down from
an earlier draft, removing references to American participation in the
multinational force for Ukraine, including with “U.S. capabilities such as
intelligence and logistics, and with a U.S. commitment to support the force if
it is attacked.”
This will only add to fears that the U.K. is talking beyond its capabilities and
is overly optimistic about the behavior of its allies.
Government officials pushed back against the accusation that British military
plans lack substance, arguing that it would be “irresponsible” to share specific
operational details prematurely. That position could be difficult to maintain
for long.
Tag - Logistics
PARIS — Europe and the U.S. presented a united front for Ukraine in Paris on
Tuesday, hailing security guarantees with American backing and laying out a
detailed plan for bolstering Kyiv long-term.
In a notable show of support, U.S. envoy Steve Witkoff and Donald Trump’s
son-in-law Jared Kushner praised European work to hash out a plan that would
provide a security guarantee to ongoing peace talks with Russia.
“We have largely finished the security protocols,” said Witkoff, standing
alongside the leaders of France, Germany, the U.K. and Ukraine at the Elysée
Palace. “This is important so that when this war ends, it ends forever,” he
added, after praising Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and his
“outstanding team.”
Europeans, Americans and Ukrainians had agreed on “robust” security guarantees
for Ukraine, French President Emmanuel Macron said.
Those guarantees include the U.S.-led monitoring of a ceasefire and the
deployment of a multinational force in Ukraine in case of a peace deal with
Russia, according to the joint statement put out by the so-called coalition of
the willing — a loose group of Ukraine allies that doesn’t include Washington.
Security guarantees are “the key to ensuring that a peace agreement can never
mean a Ukrainian surrender and that a peace agreement can never mean a new
threat to Ukraine,” Macron said.
But the upbeat declarations in Paris will not allay the doubts swirling over the
U.S. commitment to supporting Ukraine and the European continent. While it was
initially hoped that Washington would commit to a joint statement on the
security guarantees, the final declaration was ultimately only signed by the
coalition of the willing.
Details of American participation in the multinational force for Ukraine were
removed from an earlier draft, seen by POLITICO. That version had stipulated the
U.S. would commit to “support the force if it is attacked” and assist with
intelligence and logistics.
Leaders also did not want to be drawn on the credibility of U.S. commitments in
the wake of the capture by U.S. forces of Venezuela’s President Nicolás Maduro
and President Donald Trump’s threat to seize Greenland.
Europeans, Americans and Ukrainians had agreed on “robust” security guarantees
for Ukraine, French President Emmanuel Macron said. | Ludovic Marin/Getty Images
Witkoff refused to comment on Greenland, instead turning his focus to Kyiv and
insisting that Trump “strongly stands behind security protocols.”
“The president does not back down from his commitments … we will be there for
Ukraine,” he said.
Responding to a question on Washington’s credibility, Zelenskyy said the
security guarantees must be backed by the U.S. Congress. “We are counting a lot
on that, the documents are ready,” he said.
A PLAN FOR UKRAINE
The statement from Kyiv’s European allies says they stand ready to commit to
“legally binding” security guarantees to support Ukraine in the event of a peace
deal with Russia.
Crucially, the monitoring and verification of a future ceasefire would be led by
the U.S., with contributions from countries including the U.K. and Germany.
The plan also sets out security guarantees that would include long-term support
for the Ukrainian armed forces, the deployment of a European-led multinational
force in Ukraine in case of a peace settlement, and “binding” commitments to
support Ukraine should there be a future Russian attack.
“The coalition of the willing declaration for a solid and lasting peace … for
the first time recognizes an operational convergence between the 35 countries,
Ukraine and the U.S. to build robust security guarantees,” Macron told
reporters. Washington will participate in those guarantees, including with the
“backstop” that Europeans wanted, he added.
British Prime Minister Keir Starmer said that after a ceasefire, the U.K. and
France will set up military hubs across Ukraine and “build protected facilities
for weapons and military equipment to support Ukraine’s defense needs.”
France, the U.K. and Ukraine signed a separate declaration on Tuesday laying out
these commitments.
The European-led multinational force will cover land, air and sea and will be
stationed in Western Ukraine, far from the contact line, Macron said. France and
the U.K. have previously said they would be willing to put boots on the ground —
but most other coalition members, including Germany, have so far shied away from
joining that commitment.
German Chancellor Friedrich Merz said Berlin was open to deploying its troops in
a neighboring NATO country that would act in case of Russian aggression. | Tom
Nicholson/Getty Images
Other nations have suggested deploying aircraft based in neighboring NATO
countries to monitor Ukrainian skies, and Turkey has agreed to lead the
coalition’s maritime segment to secure the Black Sea.
German Chancellor Friedrich Merz said Berlin was open to deploying its troops in
a neighboring NATO country that would act in case of Russian aggression, telling
reporters “we are not ruling anything out.” But he stressed that the final
decision would be up to Germany’s parliament.
“I will only make proposals to the Bundestag once there is a ceasefire and the
coalition of the willing has agreed on the procedure to be followed,” he told
reporters. “The prerequisite is a ceasefire.”
Some European countries, however, remain reluctant to deploy military assets in
a post-war Ukraine. Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis repeated that
Greece will not participate in a European military force in Ukraine. However,
Greek government officials said Mitsotakis has not ruled out other forms of
assistance, such as in maritime surveillance.
Nektaria Stamouli contributed reporting.
BERLIN — Germany’s military planners are warning that recent cyberattacks,
sabotage and disinformation campaigns could be the opening salvo in a new war,
according to a confidential government document seen by POLITICO.
That assessment is set out in the Operational Plan for Germany (OPLAN), a
blueprint for how Berlin would organize the defense of German territory in a
major NATO conflict.
The planning reflects a broader shift in Germany — which has assumed a central
role in logistics and reinforcement planning for the alliance — as Russia has
grown increasingly belligerent toward European NATO countries following the
Kremlin’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine almost four years ago.
The document states that hybrid measures “can fundamentally serve to prepare a
military confrontation.” Rather than treating cyber operations or influence
campaigns as background pressure, the plan places them directly within the logic
of military escalation.
The assumption has concrete consequences for how Germany plans its role in a
future conflict. The document frames Germany as an operational base and transit
corridor for NATO troops that would come under pressure early, particularly
because of its role as the alliance’s main hub for moving and sustaining forces.
The 24-page document is classified as a so-called light version of the plan,
which aims to coordinate civilian and military actors to define Germany’s role
as a transit hub for allied forces.
In a conflict scenario, Germany would become “a prioritized target of
conventional attacks with long-range weapon systems” directed against both
military and civilian infrastructure, the document states.
OPLAN lays out a five-phase escalation model, ranging from early threat
detection and deterrence to national defense, NATO collective defense and
post-conflict recovery. The document notes that Germany is currently operating
in the first phase, where it is focused on building a shared threat picture,
coordinating across government, and preparing logistics and protection measures.
The plan also assigns a significantly expanded role to domestic military forces.
Homeland security units are tasked with protecting critical infrastructure,
securing troop movements across German territory, and supporting the maintenance
of state functions while combat forces deploy elsewhere.
Civilian structures are treated as essential to military success, with transport
networks, energy supply, health services and private contractors repeatedly
cited as required enablers. The document states that “numerous tasks require
civilian support,” without which the plan can’t be implemented.
In recent months, Germany and its allies have faced a stream of hybrid attacks
that mirror the scenarios the planners describe in OPLAN.
Federal authorities have documented rising Russian espionage, cyberattacks and
influence efforts targeting political institutions, critical infrastructure and
public opinion, with Interior Minister Alexander Dobrindt describing the country
as a “daily target of hybrid warfare.”
Poland has signed a multi-billion euro contract to develop domestic capacity for
manufacturing precision-guided rockets for its HOMAR-K multiple rocket launcher
program, the state-run Armament Agency said Monday.
The 14 billion złoty (€3.3 billion) deal, which expands on a series of major
defense contracts with Warsaw’s South Korean partners, covers the delivery of
239-mm CGR-080 precision-guided rockets with a range of 80 kilometers.
The missiles will be produced in a newly-built facility in Poland starting in
2030 by a consortium led by Polish-Korean joint-venture Hanwha WB Advanced
System together with Korea’s Hanwha Aerospace.
The deal is the third in a sequence linked to the HOMAR-K program. The first
contract, signed in November 2022, covered the supply of 218 Korean K239 Chunmoo
launcher modules, along with their integration onto the Polish-made Jelcz truck
chassis. The pact also included logistics and training packages, a stock of
missiles (including larger 607-mm tactical weapons with a range of 290 km) and
technical support.
The second contract, signed in April 2024, provided for 72 additional launcher
modules, logistics and training, integration work, more missiles and further
technical support.
Poland has earmarked 4.8 percent of its GDP for defense spending in 2026, making
it NATO’s top spender relative to the size of its economy.
KYIV — Russia attacked Ukraine with dozens of cruise missiles and kamikaze
drones in the early hours of Tuesday morning, with strikes reported in Kyiv and
in 13 other regions, after the U.S. mediators hosted what they called
“constructive” peace talks in Florida last weekend.
Moscow launched more than 650 drones and more than 30 missiles at Ukraine,
President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said in a morning statement.
“This Russian strike sends a clear signal about Russian priorities. A strike
before Christmas, when people want to be with their families, at home, safe. A
strike in the midst of negotiations to end this war. Putin can’t accept that the
killing has to stop. And that means the world isn’t putting enough pressure on
Russia,” Zelenskyy added.
After Russia last week brushed off German Chancellor Friedrich Merz’s call for a
Christmas сeasefire, Zelenskyy warned that Moscow is planning massive attacks
over the holiday period.
“The military must pay attention directly, protect as best they can — it’s not
easy, because there is a shortage of air defense [equipment], unfortunately. And
people need to pay attention — a lot of attention these days, because these
‘comrades’ can strike: nothing is sacred,” Zelenskyy said in an evening post on
Telegram on Monday.
The strikes on Tuesday morning injured five people in the capital Kyiv, reported
Tymur Tkachenko, the head of the local military administration. In the Kyiv
region, one person was killed and three were wounded, the State Emergency
Service of Ukraine said in a statement. Another person was killed in the western
region of Khmelnytskyi.
In the nearby Chernihiv region, first responders were fighting fires caused by
drone attacks that lasted all night.
The Odesa region, where Russian attacks on Dec. 13 knocked out power for
thousands of residents, was attacked again on Tuesday morning. The Russian
strikes damaged more than 120 buildings, as well as energy and port
infrastructure, including a civilian vessel, the State Emergency Service said.
In the western region of Zhytomyr, Russian drones injured six people, Governor
Vitaly Bunechko said in a Telegram post. Later, the authorities reported that a
child had died in the attack.
Europe’s security does not depend solely on our physical borders and their
defense. It rests on something far less visible, and far more sensitive: the
digital networks that keep our societies, economies and democracies functioning
every second of the day.
> Without resilient networks, the daily workings of Europe would grind to a
> halt, and so too would any attempt to build meaningful defense readiness.
A recent study by Copenhagen Economics confirms that telecom operators have
become the first line of defense in Europe’s security architecture. Their
networks power essential services ranging from emergency communications and
cross-border healthcare to energy systems, financial markets, transport and,
increasingly, Europe’s defense capabilities. Without resilient networks, the
daily workings of Europe would grind to a halt, and so too would any attempt to
build meaningful defense readiness.
This reality forces us to confront an uncomfortable truth: Europe cannot build
credible defense capabilities on top of an economically strained, structurally
fragmented telecom sector. Yet this is precisely the risk today.
A threat landscape outpacing Europe’s defenses
The challenges facing Europe are evolving faster than our political and
regulatory systems can respond. In 2023 alone, ENISA recorded 188 major
incidents, causing 1.7 billion lost user-hours, the equivalent of taking entire
cities offline. While operators have strengthened their systems and outage times
fell by more than half in 2024 compared with the previous year, despite a
growing number of incidents, the direction of travel remains clear: cyberattacks
are more sophisticated, supply chains more vulnerable and climate-related
physical disruptions more frequent. Hybrid threats increasingly target civilian
digital infrastructure as a way to weaken states. Telecom networks, once
considered as technical utilities, have become a strategic asset essential to
Europe’s stability.
> Europe cannot deploy cross-border defense capabilities without resilient,
> pan-European digital infrastructure. Nor can it guarantee NATO
> interoperability with 27 national markets, divergent rules and dozens of
> sub-scale operators unable to invest at continental scale.
Our allies recognize this. NATO recently encouraged members to spend up to 1.5
percent of their GDP on protecting critical infrastructure. Secretary General
Mark Rutte also urged investment in cyber defense, AI, and cloud technologies,
highlighting the military benefits of cloud scalability and edge computing – all
of which rely on high-quality, resilient networks. This is a clear political
signal that telecom security is not merely an operational matter but a
geopolitical priority.
The link between telecoms and defense is deeper than many realize. As also
explained in the recent Arel report, Much More than a Network, modern defense
capabilities rely largely on civilian telecom networks. Strong fiber backbones,
advanced 5G and future 6G systems, resilient cloud and edge computing, satellite
connectivity, and data centers form the nervous system of military logistics,
intelligence and surveillance. Europe cannot deploy cross-border defense
capabilities without resilient, pan-European digital infrastructure. Nor can it
guarantee NATO interoperability with 27 national markets, divergent rules and
dozens of sub-scale operators unable to invest at continental scale.
Fragmentation has become one of Europe’s greatest strategic vulnerabilities.
The reform Europe needs: An investment boost for digital networks
At the same time, Europe expects networks to become more resilient, more
redundant, less dependent on foreign technology and more capable of supporting
defense-grade applications. Security and resilience are not side tasks for
telecom operators, they are baked into everything they do. From procurement and
infrastructure design to daily operations, operators treat these efforts as core
principles shaping how networks are built, run and protected. Therefore, as the
Copenhagen Economics study shows, the level of protection Europe now requires
will demand substantial additional capital.
> It is unrealistic to expect world-class, defense-ready infrastructure to
> emerge from a model that has become structurally unsustainable.
This is the right ambition, but the economic model underpinning the sector does
not match these expectations. Due to fragmentation and over-regulation, Europe’s
telecom market invests less per capita than global peers, generates roughly half
the return on capital of operators in the United States and faces rising costs
linked to expanding security obligations. It is unrealistic to expect
world-class, defense-ready infrastructure to emerge from a model that has become
structurally unsustainable.
A shift in policy priorities is therefore essential. Europe must place
investment in security and resilience at the center of its political agenda.
Policy must allow this reality to be reflected in merger assessments, reduce
overlapping security rules and provide public support where the public interest
exceeds commercial considerations. This is not state aid; it is strategic social
responsibility.
Completing the single market for telecommunications is central to this agenda. A
fragmented market cannot produce the secure, interoperable, large-scale
solutions required for modern defense. The Digital Networks Act must simplify
and harmonize rules across the EU, supported by a streamlined governance that
distinguishes between domestic matters and cross-border strategic issues.
Spectrum policy must also move beyond national silos, allowing Europe to avoid
conflicts with NATO over key bands and enabling coherent next-generation
deployments.
Telecom policy nowadays is also defense policy. When we measure investment gaps
in digital network deployment, we still tend to measure simple access to 5G and
fiber. However, we should start considering that — if security, resilience and
defense-readiness are to be taken into account — the investment gap is much
higher that the €200 billion already estimated by the European Commission.
Europe’s strategic choice
The momentum for stronger European defense is real — but momentum fades if it is
not seized. If Europe fails to modernize and secure its telecom infrastructure
now, it risks entering the next decade with a weakened industrial base, chronic
underinvestment, dependence on non-EU technologies and networks unable to
support advanced defense applications. In that scenario, Europe’s democratic
resilience would erode in parallel with its economic competitiveness, leaving
the continent more exposed to geopolitical pressure and technological
dependency.
> If Europe fails to modernize and secure its telecom infrastructure now, it
> risks entering the next decade with a weakened industrial base, chronic
> underinvestment, dependence on non-EU technologies and networks unable to
> support advanced defense applications.
Europe still has time to change course and put telecoms at the center of its
agenda — not as a technical afterthought, but as a core pillar of its defense
strategy. The time for incremental steps has passed. Europe must choose to build
the network foundations of its security now or accept that its strategic
ambitions will remain permanently out of reach.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
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* The sponsor is Connect Europe AISBL
* The ultimate controlling entity is Connect Europe AISBL
* The political advertisement is linked to advocacy on EU digital, telecom and
industrial policy, including initiatives such as the Digital Networks Act,
Digital Omnibus, and connectivity, cybersecurity, and defence frameworks
aimed at strengthening Europe’s digital competitiveness.
More information here.
At New York Climate Week in September, opinion leaders voiced concern that
high-profile events often gloss over the deep inequalities exposed by climate
change, especially how poorer populations suffer disproportionately and struggle
to access mitigation or adaptation resources. The message was clear: climate
policies should better reflect social justice concerns, ensuring they are
inclusive and do not unintentionally favor those already privileged.
We believe access to food sits at the heart of this call for inclusion, because
everything starts with food: it is a fundamental human right and a foundation
for health, education and opportunity. It is also a lever for climate, economic
and social resilience.
> We believe access to food sits at the heart of this call for inclusion,
> because everything starts with food
This makes the global conversation around food systems transformation more
urgent than ever. Food systems are under unprecedented strain. Without urgent,
coordinated action, billions of people face heightened risks of malnutrition,
displacement and social unrest.
Delivering systemic transformation requires coordinated cross-sector action, not
fragmented solutions. Food systems are deeply interconnected, and isolated
interventions cannot solve systemic problems. The Food and Agriculture
Organization’s recent Transforming Food and Agriculture Through a Systems
Approach report calls for systems thinking and collaboration across the value
chain to address overlapping food, health and environmental challenges.
Now, with COP30 on the horizon, unified and equitable solutions are needed to
benefit entire value chains and communities. This is where a systems approach
becomes essential.
A systems approach to transforming food and agriculture
Food systems transformation must serve both people and planet. We must ensure
everyone has access to safe, nutritious food while protecting human rights and
supporting a just transition.
At Tetra Pak, we support food and beverage companies throughout the journey of
food production, from processing raw ingredients like milk and fruit to
packaging and distribution. This end-to-end perspective gives us a unique view
into the interconnected challenges within the food system, and how an integrated
approach can help manufacturers reduce food loss and waste, improve energy and
water efficiency, and deliver food where it is needed most.
Meaningful reductions to emissions require expanding the use of renewable and
carbon-free energy sources. As outlined in our Food Systems 2040 whitepaper,1
the integration of low-carbon fuels like biofuels and green hydrogen, alongside
electrification supported by advanced energy storage technologies, will be
critical to driving the transition in factories, farms and food production and
processing facilities.
Digitalization also plays a key role. Through advanced automation and
data-driven insights, solutions like Tetra Pak® PlantMaster enable food and
beverage companies to run fully automated plants with a single point of control
for their production, helping them improve operational efficiency, minimize
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The “hidden middle”: A critical gap in food systems policy
Today, much of the focus on transforming food systems is placed on farming and
on promoting healthy diets. Both are important, but they risk overlooking the
many and varied processes that get food from the farmer to the end consumer. In
2015 Dr Thomas Reardon coined the term the “hidden middle” to describe this
midstream segment of global agricultural value chains.2
This hidden middle includes processing, logistics, storage, packaging and
handling, and it is pivotal. It accounts for approximately 22 percent of
food-based emissions and between 40-60 percent of the total costs and value
added in food systems.3 Yet despite its huge economic value, it receives only
2.5 to 4 percent of climate finance.4
Policymakers need to recognize the full journey from farm to fork as a lynchpin
priority. Strategic enablers such as packaging that protects perishable food and
extends shelf life, along with climate-resilient processing technologies, can
maximize yield and minimize loss and waste across the value chain. In addition,
they demonstrate how sustainability and competitiveness can go hand in hand.
Alongside this, climate and development finance must be redirected to increase
investment in the hidden middle, with a particular focus on small and
medium-sized enterprises, which make up most of the sector.
Collaboration in action
Investment is just the start. Change depends on collaboration between
stakeholders across the value chain: farmers, food manufacturers, brands,
retailers, governments, financiers and civil society.
In practice, a systems approach means joining up actors and incentives at every
stage.5 The dairy sector provides a perfect example of the possibilities of
connecting. We work with our customers and with development partners to
establish dairy hubs in countries around the world. These hubs connect
smallholder farmers with local processors, providing chilling infrastructure,
veterinary support, training and reliable routes to market.6 This helps drive
higher milk quality, more stable incomes and safer nutrition for local
communities.
Our strategic partnership with UNIDO* is a powerful example of this
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building on the success of earlier initiatives with our customer Githunguri
Dairy. UNIDO plays a key role in securing donor funding and aligning
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This model demonstrates how collaborations can unlock changes in food systems.
COP30 and beyond
Strategic investment can strengthen local supply chains, extend social
protections and open economic opportunity, particularly in vulnerable regions.
Lasting progress will require a systems approach, with policymakers helping to
mitigate transition costs and backing sustainable business models that build
resilience across global food systems for generations to come.
As COP30 approaches, we urge policymakers to consider food systems as part of
all decision-making, to prevent unintended trade-offs between climate and
nutrition goals. We also recommend that COP30 negotiators ensure the Global Goal
on Adaptation include priorities indicators that enable countries to collect,
monitor and report data on the adoption of climate-resilient technologies and
practices by food processors. This would reinforce the importance of the hidden
middle and help unlock targeted adaptation finance across the food value chain.
When every actor plays their part, from policymakers to producers, and from
farmers to financiers, the whole system moves forward. Only then can food
systems be truly equitable, resilient and sustainable, protecting what matters
most: food, people and the planet.
* UNIDO (United Nations Industrial Development Organization)
Disclaimer
POLITICAL ADVERTISEMENT
* The sponsor is Tetra Pak
* The ultimate controlling entity is Brands2Life Ltd
* The advertisement is linked to policy advocacy regarding food systems and
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More information here.
https://www.politico.eu/7449678-2
Two Ukrainian nationals have been detained in Poland on suspicion of spying for
a foreign intelligence service, authorities in Warsaw said Monday morning.
Prosecutors handling the case allege that the pair, aged 32 and 34, gathered
classified data on “soldiers of the Polish Armed Forces, critical infrastructure
located on the territory of the Republic of Poland, including transport
infrastructure providing logistical and military support to Ukraine,” the Polish
counterintelligence agency ABW said in a statement.
The ABW also said the suspects had installed monitoring devices near key
facilities to enable “covert tracking of critical infrastructure.” They received
payments for their work, the ABW also said.
Poland has been on high alert for cases of foreign espionage and sabotage both
on the ground and in cyberspace, which authorities have linked directly to
Russia or its close ally Belarus.
The arrests, which took place on Oct. 14 in the southern Polish city of
Katowice, are part of an espionage probe overseen by prosecutors and based on
information from the Military Counterintelligence Service SKW.
The two Ukrainian nationals were charged with readiness to work for a foreign
intelligence service and collecting sensitive information, a crime subject to
imprisonment from six months to eight years.
Other recent incidents in Poland involved an alleged Belarusian refugee, who
Poland says was an operative for Russia, setting fire to a shopping mall near
Warsaw; and an alleged attempt that is being investigated to sabotage a railway
station by leaving an unmarked railcar on tracks used by passenger trains.
LONDON — A U.S. diplomatic broadside personally led by President Donald Trump
derailed a historic effort to tax climate pollution from shipping.
A fractious meeting of the International Maritime Organization in London ended
Friday with a decision to adjourn for a year, after Saudi Arabia, backed by
Russia, pushed for a pause.
That means the effort to set binding international rules to cut greenhouse gases
from shipping — responsible for about 3 percent of global emissions — goes into
the deep freeze for a year. During that time, the U.S. and other opponents can
try to rally more support to kill it completely.
The move followed an extended pressure campaign from the United States marked by
threats of tariffs and other economic penalties. It is also a huge setback for
the European Union, which failed to push through the measure and even saw some
of its member countries abstain.
“Commonsense prevailed,” a senior U.S. State Department official said in an
email. “The Trump Administration will not stand for the UN or any organization
forcing American taxpayers to foot the bill for their environmental pet
projects.”
European Commission Executive Vice President Teresa Ribera called the delay “a
huge shame,” in a social media post. The EU and Brazil had been publicly backing
the move ahead of COP30 global climate talks next month, hosted by Brazil.
The proposal up for approval at the IMO, the U.N. agency that regulates global
shipping, was meant to incentivize countries to shift toward using cleaner fuels
in a bid to zero out carbon emissions from shipping by 2050. It would have
increased the financial burden on polluting ships over time. Fees collected
would go to help fund the shift to greener fuels and support developing
countries.
The White House had objected for months, with Trump himself weighing in on
Thursday in a post on Truth Social that he was “outraged” by the effort. “The
United States will NOT stand for this Global Green New Scam Tax on Shipping,” he
said.
It comes as the United States grows increasingly hostile in its approach to
climate measures, with Trump calling climate change a “con job” and urging other
countries to drop efforts to invest in renewable energy.
There had been “relentless pressure” from the U.S. for countries to back its
position, said Vanuatu Climate Minister Ralph Regenvanu. “There’s bullshit going
on,” the Pacific Island nation minister said during a coffee break before the
final vote.
SHIFTING VOTES
The motion to adjourn on Friday passed by just four votes, after several
countries that had previously backed the measure, including EU members Greece
and Cyprus, chose to abstain.
“The net zero framework relies on fuels and technologies that aren’t available
at scale, and introduces sharp penalties for not using them, which would inflate
costs as companies chase limited supplies,” said a Greek official, speaking on
condition of anonymity. Greece hosts some of the world’s leading shipping
companies.
European Commission Executive Vice President Teresa Ribera called the delay “a
huge shame,” in a social media post. | Olivier Hoslet/EPA
Representatives from Cyprus declined to comment on their vote.
The delay dismayed countries backing an effort to cut emissions from a sector
that is seeing fast growth.
“They killed [the agreement]. The lack of leadership from the EU makes my blood
boil,” said one person with knowledge of the discussions, also granted anonymity
to speak candidly.
However, the move garnered support from major fossil fuels producers, such as
Saudi Arabia and Russia, which traditionally push back against climate measures
aimed at cutting the use of oil, gas and coal. Major shipping countries and
several with large flag registries, including Singapore and Liberia, also
objected.
Others shifted positions.
China, the world’s biggest ship builder, switched from supporting the measure in
April, to voting to delay it on Friday.
The clash highlighted the differences between countries worried about the
measure’s economic impact against those fearing the consequences of global
warming.
A Saudi delegate, who could not be named due to the IMO’s restrictions on
reporting, accused backers of the carbon price of sowing global division. “We
have differences because we are all looking out for our citizens, our futures …
and our economies,” he said.
But Emma Fenton, senior diplomacy director at Opportunity Green, an NGO, called
the outcome “a devastating indictment of member states’ lack of courage to stand
in solidarity with climate-vulnerable countries to achieve a just and equitable
maritime transition.”
A European Commission spokesperson called the delay “regrettable” and stressed
the EU’s commitment to an “ambitious, science-based global framework” to put
international shipping on track for net-zero emissions by 2050.
The spokesperson added that Europe “remains an open and reliable partner” and is
ready to resume talks “under IMO leadership when appropriate.”
The International Chamber of Shipping, a global trade association representing
more than 80 percent of the world’s merchant fleet, said it was disappointed
with the outcome.
China, the world’s biggest ship builder, switched from supporting the measure in
April, to voting to delay it on Friday. | Alex Plavevski/EPA
“Industry needs clarity to be able to make the investments needed to decarbonize
the maritime sector,” Thomas A. Kazakos, the chamber’s secretary-general, said
in a statement. “As an industry we will continue to work with the IMO, which is
the best organization to deliver the global regulations needed for a global
industry.”
Part of the shipping industry is worried that if the IMO effort fails, the
result could be a patchwork of national and regional measures that will be
expensive and confusing for the sector.
Alison Shaw, IMO manager at green NGO Transport & Environment, said the delay
will create further uncertainty for the shipping industry. But this week’s
proceedings nevertheless showed “a clear desire to clean up the shipping
industry, even in the face of U.S. bullying.”
The U.S. Chamber of Commerce, however, applauded Trump for resisting a measure
it dubbed “misguided.”
“A unilateral global tax of this nature risks distorting markets and
discouraging investment in cleaner shipping technologies,” Marty Durbin,
president of the chamber’s Global Energy Institute said in a statement. He also
took issue with the way the measure advanced, calling it a “rushed and opaque
process” that many member countries did not affirmatively support.
Sara Schonhardt reported from Washington. Karl Mathiesen reported from London.
Martina Sapio reported from Brussels. Zia Weise contributed reporting from
Brussels. Nektaria Stamouli contributed reporting from Athens.
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