SIXTEEN ARRESTED AS MAIN CARAVAN REGROUPS IN GREECE (INTERVIEW) ~ Gabriel Fonten ~  Sixteen members of the People’s Caravan to Kobane, who were travelling inside Turkey toward the Syrian border, were detained by Turkish police yesterday (28 January), said organisers. The group included many young people and several female journalists, and it is unclear whether and when they will be deported. At the same time, the main car convoy of the caravan was stopped at the Greek-Turkish border and denied entry. Activists are currently considering their next steps. The caravan is drawing attention to the Syrian state’s attack on Kurdish Rojava, with Western complicity. Earlier, Freedom interviewed a participant in the Caravan, which left Vienna on 25 January. Could you talk about the progress of the caravan so far, how many people have joined and what organisations are involved? We started from Cologne in two cars with ten people. This morning we met with the other routes coming from Berlin and the south of Europe, we met in Vienna and are now over 100 people.  So I would say that with each step and each city that we go through, we increase in number and also morale and energy.  There are many different organisations inspired by the Kurdish freedom movement, but also organisations that are connected to the cause like comrades from No Borders.  We are travelling many hours each day in the car. At first in German cities we were able to participate in demonstrations with many Kurdish comrades. We stopped in feminist centres and community centres in general.  This morning we began our conference in Vienna and now we are heading to Belgrade. I think this is like really a reflection of how much the revolution of Rojava could inspire activists in Europe and how much it can make people leave behind the inertia that the system lulls us into. So I think this is a really important aspect of this journey. Of course our objective is to protect the revolution and the people of Rojava. But at the same time it’s also something for us to get out of passivity and to react to a world that is more and more intense every day. Also it’s not just Europeans, but some Kurdish friends and also some friends from Colombia. We are from Germany, France, Colombia and other countries. Austria, UK, Ireland. What are the aims of the Caravan? The aim is also to break the silence that we find especially in European and Western institutions and mainstream media about what is going on. It’s unacceptable because, yes, it’s also the legitimation of the European Union that made this (the attack on Rojava) happen. Obviously also the USA and Israel also.  We are concerned here with developments like Ursula von der Leyen sending 260 million Euros to Al Jolani, the interim President of Syria. This is something that legitimises this authority and is basically something we cannot accept.  I mean, there are different things we could say also. How much we should take responsibility for what the revolutionaries in Rojava gave for the whole world by defeating ISIS. So this also I think. https://cdn.freedomnews.org.uk/news/2026/01/signal-2026-01-29-005014.mp4 12 years ago, four years in war against ISIS, many people gave their lives, and now European institutions are legitimising the government that is opening the prisons that were guarded by the comrades and freeing thousands of ISIS militias. So actually, our action to defend Rojava is an action to defend all of us from a threat that just a few years ago was terrorising the whole world. It’s important for us to remember this. Why did you choose Kobane as your destination in Rojava? I think the fact is Kobane is under siege. It’s surrounded by the forces of the enemy and the villages around it are attacked by jihadist forces and the city itself is at risk of falling in the hands again of jihadist forces such as the HTS, the militia that is at the head of the Syrian transitional government. Also, Kobane is an important symbol of resistance for the Rojava revolution. It was freed 11 years ago on the 26th January by the revolutionaries of the Autonomous Administration from the Islamic State. And I think it was, if I’m not wrong, one of the first big victories also against the Islamic State. And so it has big meaning also that Kobane stays free. And so that is why we are we’re going towards Kobane and trying to break the siege of Kobane. At this moment the situation is really difficult. There are there are a lot of people that have had to move (to Kobane) from other areas, so it’s overcrowded and not everybody has a place to sleep. There was news of four children dying of cold in their sleep. So yes, it’s also a humanitarian issue at the same time as being, as I said, a strong symbol.  When do you expect to arrive?  I expect to arrive… There is a bit uncertainty in this moment because yes, we are afraid that the Turkish state will block us at the border. So right now we’re trying to to pass them and we will see. The idea is to coordinate with the comrades in Turkey. So we will not probably arrive to Kobane, but we will reach the border from Turkey to Syria to be able to put pressure and raise attention on what is happening at the border. The Turkish border is very close to Kobane geographically. We are organising day by day. It’s not certain who will arrive or when, it will be seen with time.  But there are also comrades that could arrive in Bakur, that is Turkish Kurdistan by plane. So yeah, actually there’s already people that under the name of the People’s Caravan are in Kurdistan and are, yes, documenting the repression by the Turkish state and are bringing solidarity to the comrades there. How are you funded? Can you tell us more about how you’ve managed the logistics of moving a large group of people across Europe?  Well, at the beginning it was I think mainly private money or money from the organisations that are organised (the caravan), but I’m not sure because I wasn’t part of the organisation in this sense. I was just doing media and also same thing for the logistics.  But what I can say is that this started from a small group of very determined people who with this objective in 3-2 days could organise this and also by working everyday.  So making the first step until Vienna, where there are more  solidarity structures. So that is structured in the Kurdish community centres where we could go to eat dinner or lunch or yes, just make a break from travel. And then from Vienna on, yes, it was planned basically day by day, finding contacts of comrades, yes, asking for support and asking to bring cars also. And also from Vietnam, we tried to really move as a caravan. So we decided to have the biggest car at the beginning, at the end, so that we could really be at unity and also from an external point of view be seen as all together and be all together.  But it was managed mainly by like pure will of doing it and also from people coming. In the end they came also self organising. What can people do to help and what is best way for people/our readers to follow/contact you? I think a lot of things are needed and a lot of different things. Yes, it is good to donate money, but I think the best, most important thing is really in this moment is to organise in your local place. If you cannot or don’t want to go to to the Rojava in this time, to organise, to mobilise the society in your place. For example, to open a group of RiseUp4RoJava, get in contact and link with the network.  Talk with people about it to get informed. Also this is really important because the war also is a lot on information level. There are a lot of propaganda against the SDF, against the revolution in a lot of media. Al Jazeera for example, there was a campaign announced by young internationalist women to boycott Al Jazeera because it was spreading, yes, information that SDF was attacking the population, which was not true.  Basically how to help is basically to get yourself organised because to support the change in Roava we also have to change our our self and our surrounding, especially with the focus of keeping attention on what is happening and mobilising. The best way to contact us is probably the Instagram account of the people’s caravan. There’s also a website and there is a mail address in their website. The post Turkey blocks People’s Caravan to Kobane appeared first on Freedom News.

ISLAMIST ATTACKS AND GREAT-POWER MANOEUVRES PLACE THE REVOLUTION IN EXISTENTIAL THREAT ~ Blade Runner ~ Recent weeks’ clashes between Syrian state forces and Kurdish groups forces have developed into a multi-front assault on Rojava, threatening open war as a means of forcing it to integrate into an Islamist state structure. Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) are resisting sustained attacks using drones and heavy weapons by Damascus-affiliated militias in Hasakeh and Raqqa, including near two prisons housing thousands of Islamic State (ISIS) fighters. SDF confirmed that repeated assaults on al-Shaddadi prison were initially repelled at heavy cost before the facility ultimately fell with thousands of ISIS fighters escaping, despite its proximity to a US-led coalition base that did not intervene. > The SDF has lost significant territory over the past week, including large > areas it previously controlled east of the Euphrates. Grassroots channels > report Islamist forces attacking Kobane, a city pressed against the Turkish > border to the north. Northeast Syria’s ruling Democratic Union Party (PYD) has > called on “Kurdistani forces to declare a general mobilisation,” warning that > “Kurds in Rojava face the threat of extermination.” The ceasefire declared on Sunday 18 January is being widely ignored on the ground by the coalition of Islamist forces — described in much of the mainstream media as the “Syrian government forces” — with attacks on SDF and YPJ (Women’s Protection Units) positions and civilian areas continuing. Reports include femicides in Raqqa, executions of captured fighters, and assaults on residents attempting to prevent kidnappings. This escalation follows a wider wave of massacres across Syria, which the SDF, YPJ and Internal Security Forces have been attempting to contain. SDF leadership confirmed that following a meeting with the leader of Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) and de facto Syrian president Ahmed al-Sharaa, alongside US envoy Tom Barrack, on 18 January, a 14-point agreement was signed under which its forces would begin pulling back from Raqqa and Deir ez-Zor. The SDF stated that agreeing to the ceasefire was necessary to avoid open civil war and to limit civilian bloodshed, as the Islamist coalition advanced west of the Euphrates into areas previously under SDF control, pursuing confrontation marked by severe violence and displacement. A Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) unit in Hesekê (al-Hasakah) in northeastern Syria. Under the agreement, SDF fighters are expected to be merged individually into Syria’s defence and interior ministries. Control of border crossings, oil and gas fields — including the al-Omar field, where Shell moved to exit just as Damascus control was being consolidated — and detention sites holding Islamic State prisoners is set to transfer to Damascus. Limited concessions allow the SDF to nominate some officials for central government roles, and Hasakeh province is expected to receive a consensus-appointed governor. The agreement also requires the expulsion of foreign members linked to the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), which fought a decades-long insurgency in Turkey. In return, Damascus has offered concessions on language recognition and citizenship rights for Kurds, framed as steps toward national reconciliation. Kurdish political forces have rejected these measures as attempts to hollow out the autonomy project while delegitimising Rojava’s self-defence structures and collective institutions that guarantee safety and freedom for all ethnic and religious communities. The timeline for implementation remains unclear, but mainstream coverage increasingly presents a Syrian government portrayed as sufficiently consolidated to impose an impossible strategic choice on Rojava — a trajectory that could effectively terminate the revolutionary project. SDF leadership reportedly confirmed a further meeting with al-Sharaa in Damascus on Monday 19 January, after which additional details were to be be made public. The SDF confirmed withdrawal from Deir ez-Zor — Syria’s main oil and wheat region — and from Raqqa, home to major hydroelectric infrastructure, abandoning border crossings and its main base in the area and redeploying to rearward positions. https://cdn.freedomnews.org.uk/news/2026/01/Screen-Recording-2026-01-18-095854.mp4 Earlier in Aleppo, the self-administered Kurdish neighbourhoods — long a refuge for persecuted minorities — came under sustained attack by jihadist forces, resulting in heavy civilian casualties and mass displacement. SDF units withdrew alongside thousands of residents to avoid escalation into urban warfare. Subsequent advances pushed toward the surrounding countryside and the Euphrates corridor previously under SDF control. Alongside frontline fighting, autonomous sources reported attempts to destabilise the administration from within, including counter-insurgency agitation in Raqqa and around Hasakeh linked to entrenched tribal power structures. These networks, rooted in patriarchal clan authority and local economic control, have historically functioned as mechanisms of social discipline, suppressing women and exploiting precarious labour, and are reportedly being mobilised to undermine self-administration. State-aligned outlets circulated footage videos showing the destruction of a statue of a woman YPJ fighter — a symbol of women’s resistance against ISIS. The political symbolism is unmistakable: misogynistic violence remains embedded within forces now being quietly rehabilitated as state authority. Around the Tishreen dam, SDF forces resisted Turkish-backed Islamist attacks, with armed groups repositioning in nearby villages after tactical withdrawals. In Raqqa, SDF units detonated bridges across the Euphrates to slow advancing forces, while clashes continued inside and around the city. SDF and YPJ units reported ambushes and sniper operations against Islamist formations, including former ISIS sleeper cells. At the same time, mainstream media adopted narratives highlighting “crowds celebrating the city’s liberation.” The new agreement builds on an earlier draft signed in March 2025 that vaguely outlined integration into a unified Syrian nation-state — a framework fundamentally incompatible with Rojava’s confederal administration and the region’s multi-ethnic reality. Rojava has consistently proposed a horizontal, decentralised confederal model for Syria, which the US, Turkey and other major powers have declined to support. Women fighters from the YPJ in Derik (northeastern Syria) Turkish forces have meanwhile remained heavily mobilised along the border, signalling readiness for further escalation to compel integration. Kurdish organisations interpret US-brokered talks between Israel and Damascus on 5 January as part of a broader attempt to formalise informal zones of influence, with Israeli consolidation expanding in the south and northwest and Turkish pressure intensifying against Rojava under tacit international consent. The current regime in Damascus is openly backed by Ankara, which has pursued the elimination of Kurdish autonomy for decades as a long-term strategic priority. Kurdish self-administration in Syria and Iraq has also shaped political expectations among Kurdish populations in Iran, deepening Ankara’s anxiety over regional continuity of Kurdish autonomy and the possibility of a fourth Kurdish zone emerging within Turkey itself — a development incompatible with both Turkish state doctrine and western models of centralised state stability. According to PYD representatives, the new Syrian regime increasingly functions as an Islamist caliphate imposing religious governance while drawing on networks of former jihadist fighters and dormant ISIS cells assembled during the post-Assad transition. Remzi Kartal, co-chair of People’s Congress of Kurdistan or Kongra-Gel (KGK), reiterated that any arrangement imposed on Rojava that excludes democratic autonomy “will not be accepted,” warning that the military balance in Rojava would not mirror the collapses seen in Tabqa or Aleppo. The Kurdistan Communities Union (KCK) likewise called for mobilisation and resistance, invoking the historic siege of Kobanê and urging that “the spirit of resistance of Kobanê must rise.” As fighting, ceasefire manoeuvres and diplomacy unfold in parallel, the struggle over Rojava is also being fought in how the conflict itself is framed. Mainstream outlets such as Reuters, AP, BBC and the Guardian present the situation primarily as a problem of territorial stabilisation, sectarian rivalry and nation-state restoration. This framing obscures a deeper political confrontation between authoritarian Islamist consolidation and a long-running experiment in communalist, feminist and multi-ethnic self-administration. The information war surrounding Rojava forms part of a broader effort to contain and neutralise the social revolution while legitimising the ultra-authoritarian forces now being rehabilitated as Syria’s governing authority — threatening communities with renewed repression, gendered violence and ethnic cleansing. The post State integration forced on Rojava appeared first on Freedom News.

REGIME ASSAULT ON SELF-ADMINISTRATED AREAS EXPOSES WEAKNESS OF POST-ASSAD SETTLEMENT ~ Blade Runner ~ Syrian government forces launched heavy attacks over the past week on the predominantly Kurdish, self-administered neighbourhoods of Sheikh Maqsoud and Ashrafieh in Aleppo, marking one of the most serious escalations in the city since the collapse of the Assad regime. The assault followed months of pressure, blockade and low-intensity attacks throughout 2025, intensifying at the end of December before erupting into a full offensive in early January. Residents reported deaths and large numbers of injuries as shelling and urban combat hit densely populated civilian areas. Homes were destroyed, hospitals overwhelmed and thousands displaced. Medical facilities serving the neighbourhoods were struck or rendered unusable, forcing emergency evacuations of wounded civilians and fighters alike. As fighting peaked on 9 and 10 January, civilians gathered at Khalid al-Fajr hospital to assist the wounded and seek shelter. Turkish-backed groups reportedly shelled the hospital repeatedly. The number of people killed, injured or missing remains unknown. During an international call held in the aftermath, speakers cited reports of kidnappings, executions, torture and mutilation of bodies, including those of fallen women fighters — allegations largely absent from mainstream coverage. On 11 January, a partial ceasefire was announced to allow the evacuation of wounded civilians, women and children, and the recovery of bodies. Official statements framed the ceasefire as a humanitarian measure amid mounting civilian harm and destruction. The offensive involved thousands of fighters from multiple brigades, many backed by Turkey, and employed tanks, armoured vehicles, artillery and heavy munitions, alongside surveillance and strike support from Turkish drones. Reports also referred to the use of gas munitions. Internal Security Forces (Asayish) organised the defence of the neighbourhoods under siege conditions. Although officially framed as clashes between Syrian government forces and Kurdish self-defence units, multiple reports point to the involvement of Islamist armed groups operating alongside or under the cover of state forces. Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), whose networks played a central role in the rise of the current Syrian leadership, has been repeatedly linked to operations targeting Kurdish-held areas despite efforts to downplay its role. Participants in the international call described this as the use of deniable proxies, blurring the line between state violence and jihadist mobilisation. Following the initial assaults, Damascus-aligned forces pushed for the full displacement of Sheikh Maqsoud and Ashrafieh. The General Council of the two neighbourhoods rejected surrender and called for general mobilisation. In response, civilian convoys from cities across north-east Syria set out towards Aleppo, framing the defence as a collective popular struggle rather than a purely military confrontation. Mainstream media reported that Kurdish-aligned Asayish and SDF forces withdrew under the ceasefire, with Syrian government forces subsequently taking control. Participants in the international call confirmed evacuations and widespread civilian harm but declined to give definitive information on force positions, citing the ceasefire’s fragility. Fighting reportedly continued after its announcement, while returning civilians faced extensive damage, unexploded ordnance, arrests and security operations. The escalation coincided with renewed US military activity in Syria. During the same period, US Central Command carried out air strikes targeting Islamic State positions, with Jordan confirming participation. While presented as counter-terrorism operations, these strikes reinforced a broader climate of militarisation, underscoring that Syria remains shaped by competing imperial interventions rather than moving towards peace. Beyond the battlefield, the offensive was accompanied by an intense campaign of media warfare. The international call described a flood of videos portraying Syrian government or allied forces as rescuing Kurdish civilians from alleged attacks by the SDF and Asayish, inverting residents’ accounts and obscuring the impact of state and militia shelling on civilian areas. Gendered propaganda also featured prominently. Videos depicted women fighters as defeated or humiliated, erasing their central role in organising defence and sustaining resistance under siege. Speakers stressed that women played a decisive role during the attacks, arguing that such distortions aim to undermine the political foundations of the Kurdish-led revolution, where women’s liberation is structural rather than symbolic. Kurdish organisations widely view the attacks as part of a longer continuum of violence against minority communities in Syria. Participants situated the escalation alongside recent massacres of Alawite and Druze communities, arguing that despite leadership changes, the transitional government continues to reproduce the nationalist and centralising mentality of the Assad era. Sheikh Maqsoud and Ashrafieh have for over a decade functioned as self-administered Kurdish neighbourhoods within Aleppo, offering sanctuary to Kurds, Arabs and others displaced since the start of the uprising. They maintained autonomy from both the Assad regime and Islamist opposition factions despite prolonged sieges and repeated attacks, making them long-standing targets for forces opposed to decentralised self-rule. This perspective contrasts with mainstream coverage, which frames events as disputes over sovereignty, security or stalled integration agreements. In March 2025, Damascus and the SDF announced a deal to integrate Rojava’s defence forces into the Syrian army and political system. Implementation has stalled amid distrust, disagreements over decentralisation and fears that integration would dismantle hard-won autonomy. For Kurdish movements, the issue is existential. The self-administration project in Rojava represents a radical departure from the nation-state model, built around decentralisation, women’s liberation and coexistence between ethnic and religious communities. External pressures continue to shape Syria’s future. US-mediated talks recently established a joint US-supervised intelligence “fusion mechanism” between Israel and Syria, alongside proposals for demilitarisation and economic zones, reinforcing the primacy of security arrangements over popular will. Turkey remains central to these dynamics, viewing the SDF and associated Kurdish structures as an existential threat and maintaining sustained military pressure. Speakers argued the Aleppo offensive could not have been launched without long-term Turkish pressure and assistance. These developments coincide with renewed discussion of negotiations involving Abdullah Öcalan and the Turkish state. While framed by Ankara as peace efforts, the timing of simultaneous military assaults suggests a strategy aimed at extracting concessions while weakening Kurdish leverage rather than pursuing genuine resolution. International normalisation has further emboldened this approach. During a 9 January visit to Damascus, European Commission president Ursula von der Leyen announced €620 million in EU funding for Syria’s recovery, describing the Aleppo clashes as “worrisome” while calling for dialogue. As of now, Syrian government forces control Sheikh Maqsoud and Ashrafieh, while many displaced residents remain unable or unwilling to return. The ceasefire has halted the most intense fighting but resolved none of the underlying political questions. For Kurdish communities, early January represents another phase in a prolonged struggle against state power, media distortion and regional alliances determined to extinguish an alternative model of social organisation. Whether further escalation can be avoided remains uncertain. What is clear is that the attacks on Aleppo’s Kurdish neighbourhoods have again exposed the vulnerability of self-administration in the face of converging state, jihadist and imperial interests. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Machine-assisted edit. Images from Radio Onda d’Urto The post Attack on Aleppo’s Kurdish neighbourhoods appeared first on Freedom News.

In an unexpected development Saturday night, Syrian rebels who had been fighting government forces for over a decade, captured the capital city of Damascus, bringing an end to a more than decade-long civil war and an even longer reign of terror by the family of President Bashar al-Assad. Opposition forces reportedly announced on national television, “The city of Damascus has been liberated. The tyrant Bashar al-Assad has been toppled.” They added that they had also freed prisoners from the prison complex Sednaya, a major facility on the outskirts of the capital city. The developments mark a stunning end to the 24-year reign of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, 59, whose late father, Hafez al-Assad, was president for nearly three decades. Since the start of the Syrian civil war in 2011, Assad has gone to brutal lengths to cling to power—including by deploying devastating chemical attacks on civilians, including children. All told, by 2022, more than 306,000 civilians had been killed in the war, according to the UN Human Rights Office of the High Commissioner. According to Russian state media, Assad has fled with his family to Moscow. The Syrian Prime Minister, Mohammad Ghazi al-Jalali, reportedly said he is ready to cooperate with the opposition to facilitate a transitional government and called for free elections. Videos show Syrians celebrating in the streets and cheering as they tore down a statue of Assad and dragged another one through the streets. Many people who had been imprisoned by the Assad regime are now reportedly being reunited with their families as rebel forces empty the prisons. Syrians around the world also gathered to mark the occasion. In London, a crowd gathered outside the Syrian embassy to demand the Assad flag be removed. In Doha, Qatar, Syrians gathered to sing and dance at the opposition embassy. Photos also showed Syrians celebrating in Istanbul, Munich, London, and Berlin. > It was an unthinkable scene just one week ago: Syrian rebels in the heart of > Damascus celebrating the fall of the regime, with the whereabouts of President > Bashar Assad unknown. > > CBS News’ @ImtiazTyab reports from the Turkish-Syrian border: > pic.twitter.com/s6AEZxGEIa > > — Face The Nation (@FaceTheNation) December 8, 2024 The long conflict sparked the world’s largest refugee crisis, according to the UN Refugee Agency, displacing more than 14 million Syrians, approximately 5.5 million of whom went to the 5 neighboring countries of Turkey, Lebanon, Jordan, Iraq, and Egypt. Footage posted to social media Sunday showed a road full of cars, reportedly filled with Syrian refugees returning to their country from Turkey. > Syrians returning home from Turkey. pic.twitter.com/TywIQlIBXu > > — Leila Al-Shami (@LeilaShami) December 8, 2024 President Biden on Sunday addressed the nation following the developments. “This regime brutalized and tortured and killed literally hundreds of thousands of innocent Syrians,” he said, in an address from the White House. “A fall of the regime is a fundamental act of justice.” In his remarks, Biden also mentioned Austin Tice, a freelance American journalist who has been detained since 2012 after having been kidnapped while reporting in Syria. “We remain committed to returning him to his family,” Biden said. Later, in response to reporters’ questions, Biden said officials “have to identify where [Tice] is.” The Tice family told Axios in a statement: “We are reaching out to all contacts in government and the region. We encourage everyone to help us in our search for Austin. As a family, we are all in DC working for his fast and safe return.” Axios also reported the Tice family met with officials from the Biden administration on Friday. Human rights advocates hope the latest developments will provide an opportunity for justice for the victims of the Assad regime. “This historic opportunity must be now seized and decades of grave human rights violations redressed,” Agnès Callamard, Secretary General of Amnesty International, said in a statement, adding that suspected perpetrators of crimes should be investigated and tried if warranted, and that prison records and other documentation be preserved. According to prior research from the organization, Syrian authorities used “murder, torture, enforced disappearance and extermination” to quell dissent following the start of the civil war in 2011, and targeted civilian areas, hospitals, and medical facilities with Russia’s support. In an epic two-part 2019 investigation, former Mother Jones reporter Shane Bauer traveled to Syria to get a firsthand look at American involvement in the conflict. In 2012 President Barack Obama declared that the use of chemical weapons was a “red line” that would prompt the US to intervene in Syria—but then did nothing after al-Assad launched a chemical attack a year later, killing more than 1,400 people. The CIA set up a $1 billion program to arm Syrian rebels, but President Donald Trump ended that program in 2017. These flip-flops embody the inconsistent response to the conflict by the US. “The only thing that seemed worse than getting sucked into the conflict was not getting involved at all,” Bauer wrote. As a result, “American involvement in Syria has been as fragmented and volatile as the conflict itself.” Check out our full investigation to learn more, or read a summary here.