Alcohol has been enjoyed in societies for thousands of years, playing a role in celebrations and gatherings across the world. While misuse continues to cause harm, it’s encouraging to see that, according to World Health Organization data, trends are moving in the right direction. Consumers are better informed and increasingly aware of the benefits of moderation.   While Diageo is only relatively young — founded in 1997 — our roots run deep. Many of our brands date back centuries, some as far back as the 1600s. From iconic names such as Guinness and Johnnie Walker to modern innovations like Tanqueray 0.0, we are proud to continue that legacy by building and sustaining exceptional brands that resonate across generations and geographies. We want to be one of the best performing, most trusted and respected consumer products companies in the world — grounded in a strong sense of responsibility.  That means being transparent about the challenges, proactive in promoting responsible drinking, and collaborative in shaping the future of alcohol policy. We are proud of the progress made, but we know there is more to do. Lasting change requires a whole-of-society approach, bringing together governments, health experts, civil society and the private sector.   We believe a more balanced, evidence-based dialogue is crucial; one that recognizes both the risks of harmful drinking and the opportunities to drive positive change. Our brands are woven into cultural and social traditions around the world, and the industry contributes significantly to employment, local economies and public revenues. Recognizing this broader context is essential to shaping effective, proportionate and collaborative alcohol policies. Public-private collaboration brings together the strengths of different sectors, and these partnerships help scale impactful programs.  > We believe a more balanced, evidence-based dialogue is crucial; one that > recognizes both the risks of harmful drinking and the opportunities to drive > positive change. Across markets, consumers are increasingly choosing to drink more mindfully. Moderation is a long-term trend — whether it’s choosing a non-alcoholic alternative, enjoying fewer drinks of higher quality, or exploring the choice ready-to-drink formats offer, people are drinking better, not more, something Diageo has long advocated. Moderation is not a limitation; it’s a mindset. One of the ways we’re leading in this space is through our expanding non-alcoholic portfolio, including the acquisition of Ritual Beverage Company in the US and our investment in Guinness 0.0. This growing diversity of options empowers individuals to choose what’s right for them, in the moment. Moderation is about choice, and spirits can also offer creative ways to moderate, such as mixing alcoholic and non-alcoholic ingredients to craft serves like the ‘lo-groni’, or opting for a smaller measure in your gin and tonic.  Governments are increasingly taking proportionate approaches to alcohol regulation, recognizing the value of collaboration and evidence-based policy. There’s growing interest in public-private partnerships and regulatory rationality, working together to achieve our shared goal to reduce the harmful use of alcohol. In the UK, underage drinking is at its lowest since records began, thanks in part to initiatives like Challenge 25, a successful public-private collaboration that demonstrates the impact of collective, targeted action.  > Moderation is not a limitation; it’s a mindset. Diageo has long championed responsible drinking through campaigns and programs that are measurable and scalable. Like our responsible drinking campaign, The Magic of Moderate Drinking, which is rolled out across Europe, and our programs such as Sober vs Drink Driving, and Wrong Side of the Road, which are designed to shift behaviors, not just raise awareness. In Ireland, we brought this commitment to life at the All Together Now music, art, food and wellness festival with the launch of the TO.0UCAN pub in 2024, the country’s first-ever non-alcoholic bar at a music festival. Serving Guinness 0.0 on draught, it reimagined the traditional Irish pub experience, offering a fresh and inclusive way for festival-goers to enjoy the full energy and atmosphere of the event without alcohol.  Another example comes from our initiative Smashed. This theatre-based education program, developed by Collingwood Learning and delivered by a network of non-government organizations, educates young people and helps them understand the dangers of underage drinking, while equipping them with the knowledge and confidence to resist peer pressure. Diageo sponsors and enables Smashed to reach millions of young people, teachers and parents across the globe, while ensuring that no  alcohol brands of any kind are mentioned. In 2008, we launched DRINKiQ, a first-of-its-kind platform to help people understand and be informed about alcohol, its effects, and how to enjoy it responsibly. Today, DRINKiQ is a dynamic, mobile-first platform, localized in over 40 markets. It remains a cornerstone of our strategy.  > Diageo has long championed responsible drinking through campaigns and programs > that are measurable and scalable. In the UK, our partnership with the Men’s Sheds Association supports older men’s wellbeing through DRINKiQ. Most recently, this collaboration expanded with Mission: Shoulder to Shoulder, a nationwide initiative where Shedders are building 100 buddy benches to spark over 200,000 conversations annually. The campaign promotes moderation and connection among older men, a cohort most likely to drink at increasing or higher risk levels. Across all our partnerships, we focus on the right message, in the right place, at the right time. They also reflect our belief that reducing harmful drinking requires collective action.  Our message is simple: Diageo is ready to be a proactive partner. Let’s build on the progress made and stay focused on the shared goal: reducing harm. With evidence-based policies, strong partnerships and public engagement, we can foster a drinking culture that is balanced, responsible and sustainable. Together, we can make real progress — for individuals, communities and society as a whole. 

The question isn’t whether globalization will continue, but who will lead it and on what terms, says BMW’s Frank Niederländer. With geopolitical tensions and uncertainty in the world market on the rise, the EU has an opportunity to shape the global trade agenda — if it gets out of its own way. “Europe had the ambition to lead with the Green Deal, setting the pace for the global economy,” says Niederländer, BMW Group Vice President, Government Affairs Europe. “But while we focused on regulation, others moved ahead prioritizing speed, investment and outcomes.” > We need to envision growth as an imperative again. > > Frank Niederländer, BMW Group vice president, government affairs Europe Europe’s auto industry has a sterling reputation globally for manufacturing high-quality vehicles, and the EU has a goal of zero emissions for all cars by 2035. But China’s drive for innovation has helped it lead the world market for electric cars. Only one of the world’s top 15 battery electric vehicles is made in the EU. “The share of EVs sold still depends heavily on national regulatory conditions. This fragmentation in the single market remains one of the greatest challenges to the uptake of electric vehicles. Political alignment, investment scale and the ability to react with speed is essential,” says Niederländer. POLITICO Studio sat down with Niederländer to discuss what shifts need to happen to create a climate-neutral, competitive Europe. POLITICO Studio: What is BMW’s outlook on international trade in this era of geopolitical tension? Frank Niederländer: The global trading system is shifting — and it has real consequences. It shapes investment flows, supply chains and the rules of competition in real time. Other regions are acting with intent ― investing heavily to secure their industrial bases through billions in subsidies, raw material lockdowns and strategic alliances that give them an edge. Access to energy, technology and key inputs is now, very openly, used as leverage. The risk for Europe isn’t deglobalization, it’s marginalization. It’s falling behind while others move with more speed and focus. Europe must remain open with a trade policy that reinforces our competitiveness, secures our supply chains and reflects our values, while recognizing and managing strategic dependencies. PS: Amid the United States’ increasingly isolationist trade policies, is there a new opportunity for Europe? FN: There could be, if the EU stops playing defense and starts thinking strategically about where it wants to lead. Europe has a chance to position itself as a stable, credible anchor for open and fair trade. For that, we need cohesion within the EU, and alignment of environmental, economic and trade policy. More free trade agreements with core partners (such as Mercosur) are essential today after a long period of insufficient EU engagement. Europe has what it takes to lead: a strong Single Market, technological leadership and a solid rule-of-law tradition. What’s missing is the will to shape the global trading system, not just manage its consequences. We should focus on areas where the need for collaboration is highest, such as climate-neutral industry, resilient supply chains and high-value innovation. The EU must be capable of swiftly recalibrating its priorities to keep pace with the evolving geopolitical environment, or it may find itself sidelined. We need to envisage growth as an imperative again. PS: What emerging technologies could define Europe’s competitive edge? How is BMW helping to accelerate them? FN: Europe’s edge will be defined by the convergence of climate ambition and industrial competitiveness. The winning technologies will be those that deliver both. At BMW, this is already shaping how we build, invest and compete globally. We have long embedded circularity into the core of our strategy ― in the design phase, material sourcing and end-of-life recycling. We are also investing heavily in battery cell innovation and scaling European production capacity while continuing to advance a broad range of powertrain technologies ― from electric drivetrains to highly efficient combustion engines running on renewable fuels. In fact, all diesel BMW vehicles produced in Germany are now delivered with HVO100, a renewable fuel that reduces life cycle CO2 emissions by up to 90 percent. Europe has the talent and industrial base to lead. The challenge now is to translate that potential into scale — with policy that recognizes and accelerates technological leadership. We need agile policy frameworks, public-private partnerships and an ecosystem that fosters innovation, rather than policies that dictate technologies. > Europe has the talent and industrial base to lead. The challenge now is to > translate that potential into scale — with policy that recognizes and > accelerates technological leadership. PS: How can Europe turn decarbonization into a long-term competitive advantage? What role does BMW play in that transformation? FN: Decarbonization can give Europe an economic edge if we scale up cost-effective, low-carbon technologies. While Europe led with ever tighter regulation, other regions ― notably the U.S. and China ― have advanced by mobilizing massive investments, securing critical resources and rapidly scaling technologies. Still, Europe has what it takes to lead this transition through choice and innovation, not restrictions.  Take the supply chain. The largest levers for reducing CO2 emissions lie upstream from manufacturers. We prioritize renewable electricity, secondary materials and low-carbon production processes, and we actively invest in and source from suppliers that meet those standards. That creates real momentum on the demand side to accelerate the transition. This approach plays to Europe’s industrial strengths: advanced engineering capabilities, integrated supply chains and the ability to deliver premium solutions across multiple technologies. Let companies compete to deliver the best climate solutions — that’s how we’ll maintain global leadership. PS: How does life cycle assessment (LCA) affect BMW’s strategies? FN: At BMW, our strategic focus is clear ― achieving business success while reducing our climate footprint. To do that, we must look at the full life cycle of our products ― from raw material extraction to manufacturing, use and end-of-life recycling. This is essential if we want climate policy to reflect real impact. Tailpipe emissions cannot be the only measure of a vehicle’s environmental impact. We need to assess CO2 emissions across the entire value chain. This means designing with carbon footprint in mind from the start, and we’re already applying this approach with the Neue Klasse, a new, fully electric BMW model generation, where we are embedding circularity and carbon reduction every stage of development. The EU’s move toward LCA is welcome — but it needs consistency, transparency and practical application across sectors. Done right, LCA will reward innovation where it matters most: in cutting total emissions. PS: How is BMW future-proofing its global supply chain? FN: Europe’s future competitiveness will hinge on whether we treat supply chains as a strategic asset, not a logistical challenge. That’s especially true in areas such as the battery value chain, where industrial success depends on both resilience and global cooperation. This will require massive investments — just look at the figures in the Draghi report. This isn’t about reducing complexity. It’s about managing it. Engagement with partners such as China must be realistic and rules-based, because decoupling is neither feasible nor desirable. Europe cannot operate as an island. At BMW, our global production footprint is built upon a strong European foundation. We localize to serve markets more efficiently and to strengthen resilience, and our international presence amplifies Europe’s role as a hub for innovation, engineering excellence and high-value manufacturing. > Climate neutrality must be engineered — deliberately, collaboratively, and at > scale. PS: What can the EU do to ensure that companies like BMW remain globally competitive while leading the green transition? FN: Europe has the chance to define climate neutrality in a way that keeps Europe competitive and keeps jobs here. Stronger cooperation between governments and industry is key. The Strategic Dialogue launched by EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen was an important step to this and must continue. The future will be shaped by many choices — smart regulation, strong industrial alliances and a shared commitment to progress that is measurable, not ideological. PS: What future does BMW imagine for a climate-neutral world? FN: A climate-neutral Europe is not just a moral responsibility — it’s a competitive imperative. It means rethinking how we power industries, design products and create value chains. The future will be built not on a single breakthrough but by thousands of decisions across technology, regulation and investment. Climate neutrality must be engineered — deliberately, collaboratively and at scale.   At BMW Group, we are engineering that future with purpose. Our 2030 climate targets are fully aligned with the Paris Agreement, which means reducing our CO2 emissions by 40 million tons by 2030 as compared to 2019. Europe has the potential to lead this transformation. But leadership requires the courage to move beyond outdated regulations, respond decisively to shifting geopolitical realities and streamline the path forward. This is the moment to lead with conviction.

The EU’s Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) is grounded in the recognition that people, land, and society are deeply interlinked. But today, that connection is under strain. Farmers face mounting pressure from extreme weather, rising input costs and increasing regulatory complexity. Against this backdrop, the upcoming CAP reform is a pivotal moment, one that must deliver real outcomes to future-proof European agriculture.   To do that, policymakers should focus on three clear priorities: enabling co-investment between the public and private sectors; ensuring payments are simpler and rewarding farmers for what really matters; and equipping farmers with tailored support beyond payments. This is the foundation for a CAP that truly supports food security, climate action, and farmer livelihoods, while keeping food affordable for consumers.   By aligning around these priorities, the CAP can move beyond being just a rulebook for farmers and become a framework that brings together everyone involved in sustaining and shaping our food future, balancing agricultural progress with care for the environment and our communities. At PepsiCo, we see the impact of these policies up close, starting from the very first step of our value chain. Across the EU, we work with over 800 farmers to source key agricultural crops and ingredients, including potatoes, corn and oats. These ingredients are the backbone of iconic brands like Lay’s, Doritos, and Quaker, which rely on thriving farming communities and sustainable agricultural practices. Their success is our success. And so is their sustainability.  But I can also see that today’s farmers face an uncertain future. With the EU standing at a crossroads, we have to rethink how to support food security, respond to climate impacts and deliver more equitable outcomes for farmers, while keeping food affordable and accessible for consumers.   That’s why CAP reform matters now. Done right, the CAP can become a global model for a public-private partnership that drives meaningful and measurable progress across the full agri-food value chain.  On PepsiCo’s part, we remain committed to being a constructive partner in support of a more competitive, resilient and sustainable food system — based on regenerative agriculture.  This approach uses science-based farming practices that aim to restore ecosystems by improving soil health and fertility, reducing emissions, enhancing water quality and protecting biodiversity while also supporting farmer livelihoods. For example, in Jaén, southern Spain, we recently launched ‘Viva Oliva’ to support local olive growers, many of whom have been working in this historic trade for generations. Through this project, we’re providing hands-on training from agronomy experts so that farmers can protect the ecosystem more efficiently and conserve vital resources.   Crucially, these practices also create new opportunities, ensuring that farming can continue to be a viable option for the next generation. In 2024 we sourced 100 percent of the olive oil for our Alvalle gazpacho brand from Jaén, securing a high-quality local supply for Alvalle while strengthening the role of farmers in our supply shed.  > We’re investing in innovative techniques that bring life back to the land > because it is the right thing to do for our business, for the farmers we work > with and for the planet. Viva Oliva is just one of the many projects that’s helped us spread regenerative agriculture across a total of 3.5 million acres (approximately 1.4 million hectares) of farmland. Recently, we extended our target and are now aiming to reach 10 million acres (around 4 million hectares) globally by 2030.   We’re also taking action further upstream through partnerships with fertilizer companies like Yara, equipping farmers with precision tools to improve nutrient efficiency, increase yields and lower the carbon footprint of their crops. This collaboration supports approximately 1,000 farms across the EU and the UK that supply key ingredients for Lay’s and Walkers, covering around 128,000 hectares. By 2030 the partnership aims to reduce fertilizer production emissions by up to 80 percent and in-field fertilizer emissions by up to 20 percent, helping scale regenerative practices while supporting farmer productivity.  > Recently, we extended our regenerative agriculture target and are now aiming > to spread these practices across 10 million acres of farmland globally by > 2030. I know that we have the expertise and ambition to meet these goals, but we can’t do it alone. To make this a reality, we need EU policymakers to deliver a coherent and enabling regulatory framework that’s fit for purpose, based on three guiding principles.  Firstly, policymakers must match ambition with investment. Strong public funding is essential, but the CAP should be reimagined to enable co-investment through blended finance models, where public and private capital work together to accelerate impact. Private investment should be results driven, allowing trusted private-sector partners, who operate at size and scale, to co-design solutions with farmers.  Secondly, payments should be simpler and pay farmers for what really matters. This requires rewarding farmers not just for compliance but also for delivering real, measurable environmental benefits such as healthier soils, lower emissions, cleaner water, and richer biodiversity. Farming is unlike most other businesses, with income around 40 percent lower than non-agricultural income,1, which is why CAP incentives must reflect the true costs farmers face, including machinery upgrades and land-use shifts. And the system should incentivize progress over perfection — farmers who are already taking action should be compensated accordingly.  Thirdly, the CAP must recognize that farmers need support beyond payments. Investing in climate information systems, knowledge sharing networks, rural infrastructure and novel technologies will help accelerate and scale the implementation of new techniques — while ensuring profitability. Travelling across Europe to meet our teams on the ground, I see firsthand how local needs differ, so farmers should also be free to choose the solutions that are best suited to their region and crops to ensure policies are impactful.    > “Done right, the CAP can become a global model for a public-private > partnership that drives meaningful and measurable progress across the full > agrifood value chain. Archana Jagannathan And PepsiCo is committed to being part of that solution. Together with like-minded partners, we’re fully committed to growing food in a way that revitalizes the earth, supports farmer livelihoods, and feeds a growing population.  

As the EU Digital Summit opens today in Gdańsk under the auspices of the Polish EU Presidency, the AI Chamber unveiled the CEE AI Action Plan – a landmark initiative aimed at transforming Central and Eastern Europe into a globally competitive hub for artificial intelligence innovation. Backed by compelling economic data and crafted over months of regional consultation, the CEE AI Action Plan arrives at a critical moment: with over 150 million citizens and a combined GDP of €2.5 trillion, CEE is at a tipping point – one where the adoption or neglect of AI in the next 24 months could define the region’s economic trajectory for decades. High stakes for an undervalued region The CEE AI adoption rate remains far below Western Europe. By 2024, only 4–6% of CEE firms had adopted AI – compared to the EU’s average of 13.5%, well below the EU’s target of 75% by 2030. SMEs are even further behind, with most still at the experimentation stage. The region holds 22% of the EU’s population but only 11% of its GDP. Yet, unlocking AI could boost CEE’s GDP by up to €100 billion annually (5%), equivalent to adding an economy the size of Croatia every year. In a more ambitious scenario, the gain could reach €135 billion, or 8% of GDP. But the window is rapidly closing and without fast, coordinated action, the upside could shrink to a mere €15 billion a year. CEE’s core strengths – a strong track record of creating cutting-edge technologies, world-class STEM education, deep technical talent, and a growing startup ecosystem – offer a unique opportunity. AI, the Chamber argues, could serve as a “force multiplier” to empower SMEs, scale globally competitive startups, attract investment, and ultimately raise living standards across the region. A five-pillar roadmap for regional transformation The CEE AI Action Plan lays out a concrete, region-specific roadmap of tailored, actionable recommendations to boost productivity, scale breakthrough innovation, and drive competitiveness for the region.Framed around coordinated action that leverages the unique regional strengths and fosters cooperation rather than fragmented national efforts, the strategy calls for alignment across governments, businesses, academia, and civil society to turn CEE into an AI powerhouse. The Plan offers a strategy to foster innovation and productivity across five critical areas: infrastructure, data, talent, regulation, and innovation. The focus is on SMEs, which make up 99% of all businesses and contribute around half of CEE GDP. “This is a roadmap to transformation – but it’s not one-size-fits-all. We will work together with local authorities, ministries, and partner organizations in every CEE country to adapt and implement this plan where it matters most.” says Tomasz Snażyk, CEO of the AI Chamber. Building capacity and removing friction The Plan envisions a regionally integrated high-performance computing network linking existing national supercomputers to provide startups, SMEs, and researchers with the computing power needed to build advanced AI solutions or launch of testbed facilities in sectors like healthcare and autonomous vehicles. In terms of data, the Plan outlines the creation of a CEE Open Data Knowledge Network for public institutions to share best practices and make national Open Data Portals more accessible to developers and researchers. By introducing common governance standards and launching cross-border data trusts in sectors like healthcare and manufacturing, stakeholders would be able to securely pool data – laying the groundwork for more powerful and reliable AI model training. When it comes to talent, the Plan outlines targeted financial incentives, such as 1,000 fully funded AI fellowships, new academic programs, and a Brain Circulation program to both retain talent at home and attract top professionals from abroad. On regulation, the Plan advocates the creation of a CEE AI Policy Council to give the region greater influence in Brussels, ensuring that EU-wide rules reflect the region’s needs – such as protecting SMEs from disproportionate burdens. It also calls for regional regulatory sandboxes where startups could test AI systems safely, without drowning in legal complexity. Mobilizing capital for AI-driven growth In 2024, CEE startups raised just €2.3 billion in venture funding – a fraction of Western Europe’s total. With less than 10% of EU AI investment reaching CEE, AI Chamber’s strategy proposes a network of AI innovation hubs near top universities, challenge-driven National AI R&D funding, and region-wide technology transfer programs. These would help transform promising ideas – especially in traditional sectors like manufacturing and agriculture – into real products and growth companies. “The CEE region doesn’t have the luxury of waiting. The next 12 to 24 months are pivotal,” comments Snażyk. “If we empower SMEs with the right tools, data, and capital, they won’t just compete – they will lead.” Changing the narrative: from outsourcing to leadership The Plan is also about repositioning CEE globally. It proposes a CEE AI Champions portfolio featuring companies like UiPath, Rossum, and Infermedica, and a regional branding campaign to shift the perception of CEE from outsourcing center to AI innovation hub. “CEE doesn’t need to copy Silicon Valley to succeed – it needs to amplify its own strengths,” emphasizes Snażyk. “With strong local ecosystems and affordable talent, we can build startups that scale from Prague, Sofia, or Vilnius – not just from London or San Francisco.” A European challenge – and a regional answer The urgency is both regional and continental. AI is emerging as a crucial lever to offset demographic decline, counter rising labor costs, and sustain global competitiveness. The persistent digital divide with the West continues to limit AI’s potential in critical sectors including manufacturing, healthcare, and public administration. “CEE has a key advantage: there is far less legacy thinking and resistance to change than in many other places – giving us a real chance to leapfrog ahead. But seizing this opportunity will require strong public-private partnerships and profound changes in education and other key areas, as AI affects everyone and everything. We’ll also need stronger regional coordination – something this Action Plan calls for.” – says Mark Boris Andrijanič, member of the EIT Governing Board, Vice President of International Markets at Kumo.AI and former Minister of Digital Transformation for Slovenia. Message to Brussels: CEE is ready to lead Crafted in close alignment with the EU’s digital agenda and launched during Poland’s EU Council Presidency, the Plan signals that the region is no longer content to follow – it is ready to help lead Europe’s AI future.

Nick Dearden is the director of Global Justice Now. Peter Maybarduk is the Access to Medicines director of Public Citizen. Both are members of the People’s Medicines Alliance. U.S. President Donald Trump has more tariff chaos up his sleeve, and medicine in his sights. This week, he issued an executive order blaming America’s sky-high drug prices on other countries — and pharmaceutical tariffs could be next.  Panic is starting to set in. Tens of thousands of pharmaceutical workers in Ireland are worried about their jobs; politicians across the EU and U.K. are concerned the industry will pull investment and reinvest across the Atlantic; and there are even warnings of higher prices and drug shortages — particularly for generic medicines — in the U.S. But it is the pharmaceutical industry itself that’s stoking these fears. Big Pharma corporations never miss a chance to turn crisis into opportunity and to boost their already inflated profits. And now, they’re using the opening Trump has given them to demand the removal of regulations they dislike. Under the pretense that Europe is no longer a profitable place to invest and manufacture, drug makers are demanding all manner of concessions, including looser regulation on clinical trials and tighter monopoly protection of the intellectual property that underpins their power. Most of these have nothing to do with making Europe a better place to manufacture drugs and everything to do with raising prices. And it should make us very suspicious of lobby group claims that “unless Europe delivers rapid, radical policy change then pharmaceutical research, development and manufacturing is increasingly likely to be directed towards the US.” Since Trump has Big Pharma’s back, we can surely expect he’ll push their wishlist — yet another reason governments have to reject his attempts to strong-arm them. Meanwhile, a similar move is afoot in the U.K., with pharma companies pushing the government to reform the system that helps the National Health Service keep a lid on medicine costs. The government has already granted them a review. None of this should surprise us. Why wouldn’t Big Pharma latch on to the opportunity of Trump’s tariff threats to make price-gouging easier, even if it’s one of the most profitable industries in the world already? The truth is, it’s perfectly profitable to produce medicines in Europe as is — it just isn’t profitable enough for an industry that feels entitled to sky-high returns. According to the pharmaceutical industry, it must secure these returns to invest in a new generation of medicines, the cost of which is high. But sadly, even handing blank checks to Big Pharma wouldn’t get us the medicines we need at a price we can afford. Instead, it just means “unprofitable” but potentially devastating problems like antimicrobial resistance will be ignored, while companies try to create the next blockbuster drug that our health services won’t be able to afford. Big Pharma is a bully. It will take what it can get and then come back for more. This isn’t to say Trump’s tariffs wouldn’t create havoc in supply chains and hit generic production where margins are low. Indeed, generic manufacturers are warning that any increase in production costs could lead to drug shortages and higher prices — including for U.S. patients. Generic manufacturers are warning that any increase in production costs could lead to drug shortages and higher prices — including for U.S. patients. | Allison Dinner/EFE via EPA But European governments need to take this as an opportunity for restructuring how they make medicines, and create a model that serves the public interest. Of course, this will cost money. But medicines cost the public a small fortune anyway. And if we’re going to be spending, let’s at least ensure we’re getting the medicines we want and aren’t paying twice for the final product. What we need is to work across Europe to build world-class, publicly controlled medical research capacity. Then, rather than handing over that research — or, indeed, the patient data underlying it — to the pharma cartel, we need to develop a different model of intellectual property protection that allows for the sharing and licensing of research in a way that supports international collaboration to produce better medicines for all. Such an approach wouldn’t just undercut Trump’s plans to enhance U.S. power, it would also mean no longer treating lifesaving medical knowledge as commercial property that only the richest can afford. Knowledge is the lifeblood of modern society, we are told — so, why are we allowing private interests to wall it off for decades? In the meantime, we need to build manufacturing capacity as well. The public sector doesn’t have to produce every medicine our society needs, but in an increasingly insecure world, we do need more homegrown capacity. That means a more balanced range of private sector companies involved in medicines, as well as better public sector capacity, so we can’t be held to ransom. Finally, given the long-term impact that cuts to U.S. and European aid will have on health care globally, we should work with countries in the global south to help boost their production capacity too. As things stand, too many nations have been discouraged from addressing their local health needs. And we should be supporting them with our know-how, technology transfer and a different intellectual property model. We can have a world where everyone has access to the medicines they need. But both Trump and Big Pharma will push us in the opposite direction. It’s time for something else.

Europe is at a pivotal crossroads. Geopolitical instability and economic anxiety dominate the headlines and risk leading politicians into neglecting, or worse, actively dismantling, the continent’s climate leadership. This must not happen. Rather than turning their backs in a time of crisis, EU leaders should seek to accelerate climate action as a path to both security and prosperity.   In the face of rampant disinformation and constant undermining by vested interests in the fossil fuel industry, some now talk of diluting Europe’s climate goals to appease lobby groups and climate-skeptic politicians. This would be a big mistake. Climate ambition cannot be diminished or dismissed for short-term political goals or vested interests. It must be long-sighted, future-proofed and transformational. Europe must now, more than ever, double down and show that climate action delivers for people, particularly those who have lost faith that climate action can benefit their everyday lives.  A commitment to reducing net emissions by at least 90 percent by 2040, phasing out fossil fuels and a strong Clean Industrial Deal that puts cities at the center of its delivery is as important to the health and well-being of Europeans as a strong defense policy, trade relationships or social safety net. If done well, with workers and families’ needs at the center, it will be essential to building a resilient, competitive and secure Europe.   If Europe wants to win hearts, minds and markets, it must prove how the climate transition delivers not just long-term targets, but also tangible benefits — and this all begins in cities with good green jobs, security, healthier places to live, work and play and lower bills.  Europe cannot achieve industrial competitiveness without decarbonization, and it cannot meet its climate commitments without transforming industry. Cities are hubs of economic activity, innovation and workforce development that will determine whether Europe succeeds in achieving both goals.   City leaders understand how EU policies land on the ground. Empowered cities can turn high-level climate ambition into real economic transformation.  Today, Europe’s 18 C40 cities, representing approximately 48 million residents and contributing €3.51 trillion to the global economy, already support 2.3 million green jobs — 8 percent of their total employment — including over 1.3 million in sectors like clean energy, waste and transport. That number will only grow as key sectors decarbonize. With the right support, cities can accelerate the creation of good, green jobs and better access to them: jobs that are safe, secure and future-proof.   > Europe’s 18 C40 cities, representing approximately 48 million residents and > contributing €3.51 trillion to the global economy, already support 2.3 million > good, green jobs   The examples are everywhere: London’s Green Skills Academy is reskilling thousands for low-carbon careers. Rotterdam, where construction materials and buildings account for 25 percent of the city’s €1.3 billion annual spend, is using procurement to scale the circular economy, and through the Circular Materials Purchasing Strategy, strives for a 50 percent reduction in primary resource consumption by 2030. Considering that C40’s European cities have reduced per-capita emissions by 23 percent between 2015 and 2024, these are not just local initiatives — they are scalable models of the industrial transformation Europe needs.   Cities also control powerful economic levers. Strategic procurement can shape markets, drive clean-tech adoption and support local small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). For example, Oslo mandates zero-emission construction in public projects, and five years on, 77 percent of municipal building sites are emission-free, a great example of procurement driving industry-wide changes. With direct access to funding and streamlined EU instruments, cities can go further and faster, creating demand for clean innovation and building thriving local economies from the ground up.  Yet today, only 13 percent of the global workforce is ready for these future careers, and Europe faces urgent skills shortages in high-emitting sectors. Cities are ideally placed to bridge that gap. Madrid and London, for instance, are already training workers in retrofitting, heat pumps and renewables. Paris streamlines business registration to support start-ups, while Lisbon provides free ESG training to SMEs, ensuring they meet evolving climate standards. But this needs serious investment at the EU level and real collaboration. Without structured EU-city collaboration, industrial policies risk being disconnected from economic realities and workforce needs.  A just transition also means ensuring that new green jobs are high-quality, inclusive and secure. The green economy has the potential to create 30 percent more jobs compared with a business-as-usual approach, but only if inclusion and fairness are built in from the start so these jobs will go to those who need them the most. Cities, in partnership with unions, businesses and workers, can ensure that industrial shifts translate into widespread job opportunities, particularly for marginalized communities. Projects such as ‘Boss Ladies’ in Copenhagen are championing the inclusion of women in the building sector.   A Clean Industrial Deal that excludes cities will fall short. One that recognizes them as co-creators — alongside businesses, unions and communities — can build the industrial, climate and social transition Europe urgently needs in a time of crisis. Cities must be full partners, with direct access to the tools, funding and policy frameworks needed to drive this transition.   To translate ambition into action, the Clean Industrial Deal must include clear national frameworks for sustainable investment, early business engagement and market-shaping tools like grants, innovation hubs and procurement. With strong public-private partnerships and targeted investments in cities, we can create the conditions for green jobs, resilient industries and lower energy bills.  This unpredictable decade has presented a once-in-a-generation opportunity for Europe to create a future that works for everyone. Europe’s clean industrial strategy must prioritize city-led innovation, invest in workforce transformation and deliver for those who feel most left behind. That is how Europe can regain global leadership — not by pulling back, but by proving how climate action can be the surest path to economic resilience, energy independence and shared prosperity.  > This unpredictable decade has presented a once-in-a-generation opportunity for > Europe to create a future that works for everyone.  

Over the past couple of years there has been a growing focus on PFAS (per- and poly-fluoroalkyl substances) — a group of more than 10,000 synthetic chemicals that are widely used in consumer and industrial products. Their chemical stability and resistance to oil and water has made them incredibly useful across many industries, including the pharmaceutical sector, where they are critical to medicines and medical devices, manufacturing and packaging. Following a joint REACH restriction proposal by five EU member states in 2023, this broad group of chemicals has been under the spotlight due to environment and health concerns, potentially concluding in a widespread ban on all PFAS by 2027. The research-based pharmaceutical industry supports regulating PFAS of concern, substituting them or minimizing their use while protecting patients’ access to medicines. > The research-based pharmaceutical industry supports regulating PFAS of > concern, substituting them or minimizing their use while protecting patients’ > access to medicines. There is also broad consensus within the pharmaceutical sector that environmental legislation is important in mitigating environmental impacts and climate change, and companies are working on numerous initiatives to achieve this. €50 million project launched Our industry is actively searching for alternatives. As part of the Innovative Health Initiative (IHI) — a public-private partnership initiative for health research and innovation between the EU and Europe’s life science industries — a call was launched for a project on PFAS exposure, emissions and end-of-life management in the health care sector.  The initiative will see at least €48 million — half of which are in-kind contributions from the industry and half EU funding for public partners — committed to explore which PFAS are currently used in the pharma and medtech sectors, identify opportunities to phase out PFAS of concern and find alternatives that maintain at least the same level of patient safety and product performance. From the industry side, the initiative is led by Belgian based pharma company, UCB, and involving 26 pharmaceutical and medtech companies. Further proposal considerations will look at the improved usage of PFAS materials and minimize environmental exposure, map the types and applications of PFAS throughout the supply chain, and develop a database of alternatives. The call is open until April, 23 for consortia to apply for the funding. Large companies that would like to contribute in-kind and join the existing industry consortium should contact EFPIA. via EFPIA The IHI call is important. Currently no evidence exists of technically suitable and readily available alternatives that can substitute PFAS active pharmaceutical ingredients (APIs). No single ‘drop in’ replacement exists, given that each API is not only treating a certain medical condition, but also has individual properties like efficacy, side-effects, incompatibilities and drug interactions. Understanding PFAS and its uses in medicines PFAS is a broad non-specific term relating to thousands of molecules. Not all PFAS present the same risks to the environment or health. The industry relies on certain PFAS for safe manufacturing, distribution and use of medicinal products. Packaging, drug application devices and processing machinery, or items to extend a medicine’s shelf life or protect sterility, are just a few examples of what would fall under a blanket ban. For example, high-performance fluoropolymers — especially polychlorotrifluoroethylene and ethylene tetrafluoroethylene — are vital to the containment, storage and delivery of injectable medicinal products. They help to form protective barriers, ensuring quality and safety and preventing degradation and deterioration. They also facilitate sterilization according to required Good Manufacturing Practices standards of fully coated stoppers due to the smooth hard surface. The unique properties of fluoropolymers provide resistance to biological, chemical and physical degradation. The impact on medicines and vaccines development It is with this in mind that the industry is urging caution on a blanket ban on PFAS. Without a derogation for medicines, 98% of the market authorizations of new medicines would need to be amended, which in turn could see around 70% of critical medicines in EU member states at risk of short supply. An EFPIA survey of 40 pharmaceutical companies found that at least 93% of APIs manufacturing relies on PFAS. via EFPIA If the ban applies as proposed, a wide range of medicines will become in short supply or unavailable, with impact on patient health anticipated both within and outside of the European Economic Area (EEA). Manufacturing and product development will have to be relocated outside of the EEA, impacting the economy and strategic autonomy of Europe. Additionally, banning PFAS within the EU while importing PFAS-containing products from elsewhere would be inconsistent and undermine the policy’s credibility. via EFPIA Protecting patient care is a joint responsibility. While European lawmakers will need to make difficult decisions, changes to environmental legislation need to work for Europe and for all patients while being realistically deliverable over the long and short term. > If the ban applies as proposed, a wide range of medicines will become in short > supply or unavailable, with impact on patient health anticipated both within > and outside of the European Economic Area. The way forward Our industry wants to see legislation that is proportionate, effective and safe with a transitional period of time-limited or unlimited derogations for low risk PFAS while protecting patients’ access to medicines. There is currently no like-for-like replacement for PFAS, and making changes to medicines in this highly regulated sector requires new approvals. Any alternatives must be analyzed for their superior environmental performance and must not compromise patient safety. When a viable and scalable alternative is identified, implementation will require time and collaboration among partners in the value chain — including regulators, as any changes in manufacturing necessitate new regulatory approvals. To make a regulation fit for purpose, EFPIA is proposing three recommendations: 1. Time limited derogations until suitable alternative solutions are commonly agreed and qualified. 2. The development of partnerships throughout supply chains to better manage PFAS emissions. 3. Global health authorities expedite approvals of suitable fluorine-free alternatives. Pharmaceutical companies are among the most active in the world in developing policies to mitigate climate change and improve public health. They often aim higher than the compliance targets set within the various EU legislative requirements as part of the EU Green Deal initiatives, including under the zero pollution, circular economy and climate action plans. From the climate emergency to clean water, there are projects underway to minimize the environmental impacts of our supply chain, manufacturing and products. As the EU navigates the complexities of PFAS regulation, we must champion policies that simultaneously uphold environmental goals and ensure uninterrupted access to medicines.

David Miliband is the president and CEO of the International Rescue Committee. European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen’s aspiration for a “geopolitical Commission” speaks to the modern era. The world is more connected now than ever before, with increasing global risks from health pandemics to climate change and nuclear proliferation. At the same time, political fragmentation is creating the “post-American world,” even though the U.S. economy is sustaining its share of global GDP at around 25 percent. The EU’s aspiration for a coherent role in this world, bringing together hard and soft power, is an important test for the new Commission. And as the distinctions between foreign and domestic policy are increasingly frayed, the need for a joined-up approach is growing. One such example is the Global Gateway program. Described by the EU as its “plan for major investment in infrastructure development around the world,” the incoming Commission wants to use it to compete for geopolitical influence and spur public-private partnerships in emerging markets like Egypt and Columbia. The program could also spur important progress in climate mitigation and adaptation. However, if the price of this strategy is paid by the rest of the international development program — which is meant to tackle extreme poverty, and needs to be focused in fragile and conflict-affected states that are the source of increasing poverty and displacement — the Commission’s geopolitical imperative will be undermined. Rather, to unlock maximum benefit and mitigate any potential harm, the Global Gateway could and should be adapted to deliver in a wider range of settings. However, channeling effective outcomes in the most fragile and conflict-affected contexts will require a separate strategy — one underpinned by sufficient resources and political will. With the vast majority of humanitarian needs centered in a handful of countries caught at the intersection of conflict, climate change and economic shocks, renewed effort to address this new geography of crisis is essential — not only to uphold the EU’s own fundamental values but to galvanize greater political stability, protect against global spillover crises and secure the bloc’s reputation as a global leader. Based on the International Rescue Committee’s (IRC) experience working in fragile contexts, there’s a blueprint for how the EU can create a framework for fragile states that is truly fit for the future: Firstly, the Global Gateway must recognize the changing reality that extreme poverty and climate vulnerability are growing in fragile and conflict-affected states. The amount of global funding available for Least Developed Countries is diminishing, and multilateral finance is often failing to reach those most in need. This is why it is important to improve access to finance in these settings, and the IRC recommends pioneering the use of “humanitarian debt swaps” in order to abate the flow of funds out of the poorest countries in debt payments and reroute this finance toward humanitarian needs. European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen’s aspiration for a “geopolitical Commission” speaks to the modern era. | Kenzo Tribouillard/Getty Images Second, there isn’t just a “finance gap” — there’s also a “delivery gap.” Fragile contexts don’t offer the easy option of a government-centric partnership because, by definition, their governments are challenged at best, and at worst, they’re simply not present. Von der Leyen’s call for the creation of an “integrated approach to fragility” is an important recognition of this reality. The EU has already demonstrated it can deliver both humanitarian and development aid in the most complex settings if it broadens its range of partners. And in contexts where the EU can’t work with governments, it should deepen collaboration with civil society organizations. These groups — women- and refugee-led organizations in particular — are often best placed to identify groups with specific needs, conduct negotiations to overcome barriers to access and ensure aid can reach those who need it most. Our EU-funded work with a number of civil society organizations in the Central African Republic to economically empower women and reduce their exposure to gender-based violence is a great example of this. Such people-centric partnerships aren’t just stopgap measures to keep people alive in emergencies. They can also lay the groundwork for longer-term systems strengthening. An effective fragility strategy could better support this important work through the creation of a new EU Resilience Fund, jointly funded by the Commission’s departments for humanitarian aid (ECHO) and international partnerships (INTPA), leveraging the former’s expertise in delivering in fragile contexts and the latter’s strengths in catalyzing long-term sustainable development outcomes. Lastly, the IRC has identified 17 particularly climate-vulnerable and conflict-affected countries — including Afghanistan, Yemen, Syria and Sudan — which account for just 10.5 percent of the total global population but make up a staggering 71.1 percent of those in humanitarian need. The EU needs to approach these contexts with the recognition that when conflict and climate change intersect, development is set back. So, the answer needs to address climate adaptation as a strategy for livelihoods. However, in 2022, only about 6 percent of the EU’s adaptation financing for developing countries was committed to fragile and conflict states — a number that clearly falls far short of climate finance needs and should be tripled. The bloc should also double the proportion of Official Development Assistance disbursed to the world’s most fragile countries to 50 percent, and follow Germany’s example in scaling up the proportion of its budget spent on anticipatory climate action from 2 percent to 5 percent. On the cusp of their new mandate, von der Leyen’s new Commissioners have the chance to forge a new approach to fragile states that actually works, while spearheading a global shift toward better supporting the world’s most complex and vulnerable regions. This isn’t only a moral imperative, it’s a crucial step if the EU is to save lives and strengthen communities amid new global threats, retain its position as a heavyweight on the world stage and raise the bar for the broader international community.