Listen on * Spotify * Apple Music * Amazon Music 79 Jahre Donald Trump – und kein Zeichen von Mäßigung. In dieser Sonderfolge analysiert Gordon Repinski, wie der 47. US-Präsident in seiner zweiten Amtszeit systematisch demokratische Institutionen attackiert: von juristischen Angriffen auf die Presse bis zur politischen Säuberung der Verwaltung durch „Schedule F”. Der Podcast blickt auf Trumps Strategie der persönlichen Loyalität, seine zerstörerische Außenpolitik und die ideologischen Wurzeln seines Politikverständnisses – vom Trump Tower bis zum Oval Office. Ob Handelskrieg mit China, Machtspiele gegen die NATO oder persönliche Attacken auf Richter und Medien: Trump geht es nicht um Reformen, sondern um Kontrolle. Ein tiefgehender Blick auf die politische und mediale Verwüstungskraft eines Präsidenten, der Regeln nicht bricht, sondern abschafft – und damit die Frage aufwirft: Was bleibt von der alten Ordnung, wenn Trump fertig ist? Das Berlin Playbook als Podcast gibt es morgens um 5 Uhr. Gordon Repinski und das POLITICO-Team bringen euch jeden Morgen auf den neuesten Stand in Sachen Politik — kompakt, europäisch, hintergründig. Und für alle Hauptstadt-Profis: Unser Berlin Playbook-Newsletter liefert jeden Morgen die wichtigsten Themen und Einordnungen. Hier gibt es alle Informationen und das kostenlose Playbook-Abo. Mehr von Berlin Playbook-Host und Executive Editor von POLITICO in Deutschland, Gordon Repinski, gibt es auch hier:   Instagram: @gordon.repinski | X: @GordonRepinski.

Cyrus Vance Jr., former Manhattan district attorney who led a criminal probe into United States President-elect Donald Trump’s business dealings, has joined the Paris branch of global law firm Baker McKenzie. “We are delighted to welcome Cyrus Vance Jr, former Manhattan District Attorney (2010-2021) to Baker McKenzie Paris. He will provide clients with his widely recognized expertise in criminal law, cross-border investigations and compliance,” the company wrote on Tuesday in a post on LinkedIn. Baker McKenzie announced the transfer just days before the U.S. president-elect’s inauguration on Jan. 20. Marie E. Hebert, the firm’s director of global media relations, said his “move to Paris has nothing to do with the fact that he investigated President-elect Trump.” Vance has for the past two years served as a partner in Baker McKenzie’s New York office, and prior to that served three consecutive four-year terms as Manhattan’s district attorney, handling landmark criminal prosecutions. During that time, Vance oversaw several wide-ranging investigations into Trump and his family business. Aspects of those investigations culminated in the infamous hush money trial after which Vance’s successor charged Trump with 34 felony counts. Trump was found guilty of falsifying business records to cover up a payment to a porn star in exchange for her silence before the 2016 election about a sexual encounter she said they had in 2006. The unanimous verdict meant Trump was the first former — and ultimately future — president to become a convicted felon.

Russian President Vladimir Putin is not planning to call United States Republican President-elect Donald Trump to congratulate him on his election victory, Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov said on Wednesday. “I am not aware of the president’s plans to congratulate Trump on the election,” Peskov said during a morning press briefing. “Let’s not forget that we are talking about an unfriendly country that is both directly and indirectly involved in the war against our state,” he added.  Putin was one of the first world leaders to send a congratulatory message to Trump on his U.S. presidential election win in 2016. Asked whether Putin’s decision to not congratulate Trump might worsen relations between the U.S. and Russia, Peskov said “it is almost impossible,” as the relations between the two countries are “at a historical low point,” Interfax reported. ” What happens next depends on the American leadership. President Putin has said on more than one occasion than he’s open to constructive dialogue, based on fairness, equality and a willingness to take into account mutual concerns,” Peskov said, adding: “Right now, the U.S. admin has a diametrically opposed position. We’ll see what happens in January.” Speaking about Trump’s promise to end the war in Ukraine, Peskov said Russia is waiting to see what Trump will do once in office before beginning the negotiations. “Once [in the Oval Office], statements can sometimes take on a different tone. That’s why we say we are carefully analyzing everything, monitoring everything, and we will draw conclusions from specific words and concrete actions,” he said. Eva Hartog contributed to this report.

On second thought, hold that Champagne. After months of campaigning, a last-minute swap at the top of the presidential ticket and one of the closest-fought election races in recent American history, election day has finally arrived in the United States. But don’t expect Europe to join in the election night fun.  In stark contrast to pre-pandemic ballots, U.S. election night 2024 promises to be a sober affair in Europe, with U.S. officials in most European power centers having ditched the usual festivities. Embassies from Brussels to London, Paris and Berlin have decided against holding their usual watch parties. The reason? The Trump effect. Many officials are still smarting from the shock 2016 election, when Donald Trump unexpectedly beat Hillary Clinton for the presidency — a political earthquake that left many top members of America’s diplomatic corps exposed as they absorbed the stunning election results in the presence of hundreds of journalists, foreign diplomats and officials who had been invited to election night parties.  “I don’t think there was appetite to watch another Trump victory,” said a senior diplomat based in Europe, adding that the 2016 embassy events had been “calamitous.” That cringe moment was captured by former U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations Samantha Power, who recalled in her autobiography how she had invited all female ambassadors to the U.N. to her residence for an election night bash only to watch her dreams of America’s first woman president go up in smoke.  Similar scenes played out in embassies across Europe. In Brussels in November 2016, then-Ambassador Anthony Gardner hosted an election party in the regal U.S. Embassy on Boulevard du Régent in Brussels. Attendees entered through the foyer under a smiling portrait of then-Commander in Chief President Barack Obama.  Attendees enjoyed wine and amuse-bouches as they watched the results roll in on giant TV screens. But as it became apparent voters were breaking for Trump, the mood darkened; one woman wept quietly. Trump’s poll-defying win revived uncomfortable Brussels bubble memories of the shock Brexit referendum result a few months earlier.  This time around, then, Europe is hedging its bets. The U.S. Mission in Brussels is not hosting a party (though the U.S. ambassador to Belgium will host a breakfast the following day). Similarly, embassies in London, Paris and Berlin won’t be opening their doors, though the U.S. Embassy in Rome is hosting an election night event Tuesday.  The decision to nix election night festivities may also reflect the unusually politicized nature of America’s diplomatic corps. Most of the State Department’s top envoys around the world are political appointees and allies or donors of the sitting president. The current U.S. ambassadors in Europe’s top capitals, for example — like Ambassador Mark Gitenstein in Brussels and Ambassador Jane Hartley in London — are close allies of Democratic President Joe Biden.  A spokesperson for the U.S. Embassy in London said it “appreciates the long-standing energy and excitement around U.S. presidential elections which have been carried out over nearly 250 years of democracy,” but added that “election day does not end on election night. Time may be required to count votes and let the electoral process work.” The comments captured another underlying reason why diplomats may be avoiding the public glare on election night — there is deep unease about the strength of the U.S. democratic system after disputes about the outcome of the 2020 election led to an attack on the U.S. Capitol by Trump supporters.  Eight years on from 2016, the cautious approach to election night also reflects the dramatically different approach that Europe is taking to the prospect of a Trump presidency this time around. Having been caught on the wrong foot by Trump’s victory in 2016, European and American top officials are resolved not to let the same thing happen again.  The EU, like governments around Europe, has been game-planning a possible Trump victory after having been blindsided in 2016. Over the last month, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen’s top official, Björn Seibert, has been huddling with ambassadors of the EU’s 27 countries and other top officials to model how the bloc will respond to the U.S. election.  Though transatlantic relations will endure challenges, whoever wins on Nov. 5 — Vice President Kamala Harris has signaled she will prioritize American workers and raise tariffs — the possibility of a second Trump presidency has alarmed the EU. Trump’s policy vision could wreak havoc on the EU-U.S. relationship: His plans to increase tariffs would likely unleash a trade war, while he has called on Europe to cough up more on defense and on Ukraine, and has declined to commit to NATO. Not to mention what a Trump presidency would mean for international cooperation on climate, which could pressure Europe to increase its own efforts to tackle the climate crisis.  One person who will have some bubbly on ice is Hungarian strongman Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, who called Trump to wish him luck last week. As it happens, Orbán, whose country holds the six-month rotating presidency of the Council of the EU, will be hosting European leaders in Budapest for a summit later this week as the U.S. results roll in. He has said he will open “several bottles of Champagne” if Trump wins — but he could find himself drinking alone.  Rosa Prince and Clea Caulcutt contributed to this report. 

Kristina WiIfore is co-founder of #ShePersisted, a global platform for addressing digital threats to women leaders. As Moldova hurtles toward critical elections on Sunday, the stakes couldn’t be higher. Malicious actors, bankrolled by foreign sources, are working to sway the country’s public. And their target? President Maia Sandu — fighting not only for reelection but for her country’s future as a European democracy.  As Moldova’s first female president, Sandu’s candidacy has become ground zero for a flurry of gendered disinformation attacks, all designed to undermine her leadership and derail the nation’s EU membership referendum, which coincides with the election. This is no ordinary election. It’s an all-out assault on Moldova’s sovereignty, and at the heart of the battle lies one simple truth: Whoever controls the narrative determines Moldova’s future. In a crowded field of 10 candidates, Sandu’s still expected to win the first round, despite being buffeted by efforts to weaken and discredit her and the women serving in her administration. These attacks are gendered, insidious and relentless, looking to exploit traditional gender norms in a country where 97 percent of the population believes women should be “cherished and protected by men.” But this isn’t about traditional values — it’s about manipulating them to maintain Russia’s grip on Moldova. President of The European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen shakes hands with President of Moldova, Maia Sandu. | Elena Covalenco/AFP via Getty Images Disinformation targeting female leaders isn’t just a women’s issue. It’s a democracy issue; it’s a human rights issue; and in the digital age, it’s also a matter of national security. These weaponized lies are meant to fracture the foundations of participatory governance and erode trust in democracy. Our organization, #ShePersisted, has been tracking these toxic trends since 2022, identifying common gendered narratives aimed at women in politics across major digital platforms in countries like Italy, Hungary and Ukraine. Now, it’s Moldova that’s become the latest battleground in Russia’s destabilization playbook. The parallels to the U.S. are striking here. Much like Vice President Kamala Harris, who has similarly been the target of disinformation campaigns, Sandu’s candidacy has been a lightning rod for misogyny cloaked in political rhetoric. And just as we’ve seen false claims about Harris’s identity and qualifications, Moldova’s social media platforms are awash with deepfake videos and conspiracy theories aimed at the sitting president. Both women have dealt with an onslaught of digital attacks designed to weaken the public’s trust in their leadership — attacks that are gendered, racist and xenophobic — and it’s no accident these narratives spread so easily. Social media algorithms reward the most divisive content. For the Kremlin, manipulating online discourse by gaming algorithms is as easy as shooting fish in a barrel, all thanks to the oligarchs of tech that foster this environment, where digital distortions flourish in the name of keeping users hooked and advertisers paying. In Moldova in particular, the malign actors are explicitly pro-Russian, using inauthentic and coordinated behavior to seed and amplify their attacks. And the campaigns are part of a broader strategy to destabilize the country, oust pro-European Sandu and drag Moldova back into Russia’s orbit. The Kremlin’s use of deepfakes and false narratives — claiming Ukrainian F-16s will soon land on Moldovan soil and fabricating stories about compulsory EU-mandated “sexual education” — mirrors the chaos it tried to sow in the 2016 U.S. election. Its methods, however, have become more sophisticated. According to a joint statement by the U.S., Canada, and the U.K., Russia is now actively using “disinformation, criminal and covert activities, and corruption to undermine sovereignty and democratic processes” in the upcoming Moldovan elections. In Moldova in particular, the malign actors are explicitly pro-Russian, using inauthentic and coordinated behavior to seed and amplify their attacks. | Daniel Mihailescu/AFP via Getty Images Despite the red alert, though, it’s still largely U.S.-based digital media companies that are acting as modern-day conflict profiteers. Earlier this year, #ShePersisted combined social listening with forensic data analytics to understand the toxicity directed at women leaders in Moldova. The results? A chilling glimpse into the future of global disinformation campaigns. From deepfakes of Sandu resigning while wearing a hijab to offers of bribes for voters to reject Moldova’s EU integration, the manipulation is as multifaceted as it is dangerous. In one case, exiled oligarch and opposition leader Ilan Shor — widely seen as “Moscow’s man in Moldova” — used Facebook to run hundreds of ads that were viewed 155 million times. And the fact that he could do this while not, in fact, being in Moldova is a testament to the power online infrastructure afforded him, as Meta has repeatedly failed to track and remove these coordinated campaigns. But the threats aren’t confined to political manipulation. Human traffickers and scam artists are leveraging these same platforms to victimize Moldovans too. In a country where 80 percent of the population is deeply concerned about human trafficking [LINK?], social media platforms have become the primary tool for traffickers, targeting vulnerable women and girls. And what has Meta done? Almost nothing. Regardless of clear abuse, social media giants continue to prioritize profits over safety, allowing both gendered disinformation and criminal exploitation to thrive. For Moldova, the road ahead is now fraught with peril— it’s a path the U.S. knows all too well. And as Sandu prepares for a tight election, the parallels between the challenges faced by women leaders worldwide are impossible to ignore. Whether it’s Harris or Sandu, gendered disinformation is among the most powerful tools bad actors use to erode democratic progress around the world today. And if social media platforms don’t step up to enforce their own rules — removing posts inciting violence, disabling accounts that spread gendered falsehoods and curtailing the amplification of disinformation — they’ll continue to be complicit in corrosion of democracy. Moldova’s election isn’t just a fight for one woman’s political future, it’s a fight for the future of democracy itself. Like any good fight, it requires action — in this case, both online and off. And if we fail to address the weaponization of gendered disinformation now, the next battlefield could be much nearer to home.