ABERDEEN — The SNP-led Scottish government is set to drop its long-standing opposition to new oil and gas exploration in the North Sea. Two senior members of the Scottish government — granted anonymity to discuss a strategy not yet ready for publication — told POLITICO the government will revise its energy plans to take a more pro-oil and gas exploration position. Tests on compatibility with the government’s climate targets will remain, but Scotland will no longer begin from a position of opposition to new oil and gas projects. The move marks a major change in the Scottish government’s energy policy. The Scottish government — led by the SNP since 2007 — released a draft energy strategy in 2023 which set out its “presumption against” new oil and gas fields in the North Sea. That draft strategy is “out of date,” one senior Scottish government official said. They said a new strategy, expected by the summer, will not contain this wording. A second person with knowledge of the policy said the new strategy will “reflect the world as it is.” The shift in policy comes with the U.K. government widely expected to give the go-ahead to the Jackdaw gas field next week. While the Scottish government has little power over the granting of new licenses for projects such as Jackdaw or the Rosebank oil field — where a decision is expected to come separately and at a later date — it has an important symbolic role, and can apply pressure to the U.K. government to approve licenses.  SNP politicians at the party’s conference in Aberdeen privately admitted the stance on Jackdaw has hurt the party electorally.  The party passed a resolution at its conference Friday which stated that the “utilisation of domestic production” of oil and gas is “clearly preferable to importation”. This was seen as a further softening of the position of the SNP — which governed in a quasi-coalition with the anti-exploration Scottish Greens until as recently as 2004. This resolution, which changes the party’s official policy, will be used as the government writes its new energy strategy, the two people quoted above said. In the summer, the SNP lost a key parliamentary by-election in Aberdeen to the pro-drilling Conservative Party, where their North Sea messaging was a key focus. “It was bruising ,” the official quoted above said. “But we’d been shifting our position for a while.”  Speaking in the debate at the party’s conference Friday, the defeated SNP candidate in that by-election said the victorious Conservatives had hung the words ‘presumption against’ around “our necks lie an albatross.” ”We need to put to bed any suggestion that our party, or our government, supports a ‘presumption against’,” Richard Thomson said. 

LONDON — The U.K.’s Energy Secretary Ed Miliband hit back at Donald Trump’s Davos jibe that offshore wind is for “losers,” telling a European energy summit that wind turbines are “for winners.” Speaking in Hamburg, Germany, at a meeting focused on boosting Europe’s offshore wind capacity, Miliband said it was “important to be diplomatic,” when asked for his response to Trump’s remarks. But, he added: “For us in the U.K., offshore wind is absolutely critical for our energy security. This is a hard-headed, not a soft-hearted, view that we have. We think it’s the right thing for the climate crisis but we think it’s absolutely the right thing for energy security. “I think offshore wind is for winners.” At the World Economic Forum in Davos last week, Trump reiterated his deep-seated loathing for wind energy, saying: “There are windmills all over Europe. … They are losers.” Trump also claimed, falsely, that China, despite making most of the world’s wind turbines, don’t use them and only “sell them to the stupid people that buy them.” China has by far the world’s largest wind power generation capacity. Energy ministers from the U.K., Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Iceland, Luxembourg and the Netherlands signed a deal Monday at the third North Sea Summit to deliver 100 gigawatts of joint offshore wind projects. Miliband said that there was still “common ground” to be found with the Trump administration on energy, including around the development of new nuclear technology. But he added: “Different countries will pursue their own national interests. But we are very clear about where our national interest lies.” Frederike Holewik contributed reporting from Hamburg.

Ed Miliband is the U.K. energy secretary and Dan Jørgensen is the EU commissioner for energy. The world has entered an era of greater uncertainty and instability than at any other point in either of our lifetimes, and energy is now central to this volatile age we find ourselves in. In recent years, both Britain and Europe have paid a heavy price for our exposure to the roller coaster of international fossil fuel markets. Russia’s illegal invasion of Ukraine in 2022 sent global gas prices soaring — driving up bills for families and businesses across the continent and leading to the worst cost-of-living crisis our countries have faced in a generation. Even as Europe rapidly cut its dependence on Russian gas and is now swiftly moving toward a complete phaseout, exposure to fossil fuels remains the Achilles’ heel of our energy systems. The reality is that relying so heavily on fossil fuels — whether from Russia or elsewhere — can’t give us the energy security and prosperity we need. It leaves us incredibly vulnerable to international market volatility and pressure from external actors. Like European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen said: “As our energy dependency on fossil fuels goes down, our energy security goes up.” This is why Britain and the EU are committed to building Europe’s resources of homegrown clean power, looking to increase our energy security, create well-paid jobs, bring down bills and boost our industrial competitiveness, all while tackling the climate crisis to protect future generations. Today, nine European countries, alongside representatives from NATO and the European Commission, are meeting in Hamburg for the third North Sea Summit to act on this shared understanding. Together, we can seize the North Sea’s vast potential as a clean energy powerhouse — harness its natural resources, skilled workforce and highly developed energy industries to lead the world in offshore wind, hydrogen and carbon capture technologies.   Three years ago in Ostend, our countries united behind a pioneering goal to deliver 300 gigawatts of offshore wind in the North Sea by 2050. Today in Hamburg, we will double down on those commitments and pledge to jointly deliver shared offshore wind projects. With around $360 billion invested in clean energy in the EU just last year, and wind and solar overtaking fossil-fuel-generated power for the first time, this is an historic pact that builds on the clean power momentum we’re seeing all across Europe. And this unprecedented fleet of projects will harness the abundant energy waiting right on our doorstep, so that we can deliver cheap and secure power to homes and businesses, cut infrastructure costs and meet rising electricity demand. Everything we’re seeing points to a clean energy economy that is booming. Indeed, earlier this month Britain held the most successful offshore wind auction in European history, delivering enough clean energy to power 12 million homes — a significant vote of confidence in Britain and Europe’s drive to regain control of our energy supplies. We believe there is huge value in working together, with our neighbors and allies, to build this future — a future that delivers on shared energy infrastructure, builds strong and resilient supply chains, and includes talks on the U.K.’s participation in the European electricity market. Strengthening such partnerships can help unlock investment, reduce our collective exposure to fossil fuels and bring down energy costs for our citizens. This speaks to a wider truth: An uncertain age makes cooperating on the basis of our shared interests and values more important — not less. By accelerating our drive to clean energy, today’s summit will be fundamental in delivering the energy security and prosperity Europe desperately needs.

LONDON — British students will once again be able to take part in the EU’s Erasmus+ exchange scheme from January 2027 — following a six-year hiatus due to Brexit. U.K. ministers say they have secured a 30 percent discount on payments to re-enter the program that strikes “a fair balance between our contribution and the benefits” it offers. The move is one of the first tangible changes out of Keir Starmer’s EU “reset,” which is designed to smooth the harder edges off Boris Johnson’s Brexit settlement while staying outside the bloc’s orbit. In an announcement on Wednesday Brussels and London also confirmed they were formally beginning negotiations on U.K. re-entry into the EU’s internal market for electricity. Both sides hope the move, which was called for by industry in both sides of the Channel, will cut energy bills while also making it easier to invest in North Sea green energy projects — which have been plagued by Brexit complications. They also pledged to finish ongoing talks on linking the U.K. and EU carbon trading systems, as well as a new food and drink (SPS) deal, by the time they meet for an EU-U.K. summit in 2026. The planned meeting, which will take place in Brussels, does not yet have a date but is expected around the same time as this year’s May gathering in London. The announcements give more forward momentum to the “reset,” which faltered earlier this month after failing to reach an agreement on British membership of an EU defense industry financing program, SAFE. The two sides could not agree on the appropriate level of U.K. financial contribution. The pledge to finalize carbon trading (ETS) linkage next year is significant because it will help British businesses avoid a new EU carbon border tax — CBAM — which starts from Jan. 1 2026. While the tax, which charges firms for the greenhouse gas emissions in their products, begins on Jan. 1, payments are not due until 2027, by which time the U.K. is expected to be exempt. But it is not yet clear whether British firms will have to make back payments on previous imports once the deal is secured, and there is no sign of any deal to bridge the gap. WIDENING HORIZONS EU Relations Minister Nick Thomas-Symonds, who negotiated the agreement, said the move was “a huge win for our young people” and would break down barriers and widen horizons so that “everyone, from every background, has the opportunity to study and train abroad.” European Parliament President Roberta Metsola welcomes British Minister for the Constitution and European Union Relations Nick Thomas-Symonds. | Ronald Wittek/EPA “This is about more than just travel: it’s about future skills, academic success, and giving the next generation access to the best possible opportunities,” he said. “Today’s agreements prove that our new partnership with the EU is working. We have focused on the public’s priorities and secured a deal that puts opportunity first.” The expected cost of the U.K.’s membership of the Erasmus+ program in 2027 will be £570 million. Skills Minister Jacqui Smith said Erasmus+ membership is “about breaking down barriers to opportunity, giving learners the chance to build skills, confidence and international experience that employers value.” Liberal Democrat Universities Spokesperson Ian Sollom also welcomed U.K. re-entry into the exchange scheme but said it should be a “first step” in a closer relationship with the EU. “This is a moment of real opportunity and a clear step towards repairing the disastrous Conservative Brexit deal,” he said. “However while this is a welcome breakthrough, it must be viewed as a crucial first step on a clear roadmap to a closer relationship with Europe. Starting with negotiating a bespoke UK-EU customs union, and committing to a youth mobility scheme for benefit of the next generation.”

LONDON — Keir Starmer loves to play the climate leader. But only when his political advisers (and the powerful Chancellor Rachel Reeves) tell him he’s allowed. The green-minded U.K. prime minister flies into the COP30 summit in Brazil Thursday, armed with undeniable climate credentials. His government is pressing ahead with a 2050 net zero target, even as right-wing political rivals at home run away from it. It is about to hand 20-year contracts, laden with financial guarantees, to companies developing offshore wind farms. Just by attending COP, Starmer has shown he’s willing to publicly back the faltering global climate cause, despite furious attacks on the green agenda by close ally Donald Trump. But his claim to global leadership comes with a catch. Action on climate change is also tied to the political agenda back home, where Starmer and Reeves insist they are focused on bringing down bills and driving economic growth. As the prime minister flies in and out of Brazil this week, those key themes dominate. In a speech on Tuesday, Reeves pledged to “bear down” on the national debt and focus on the cost of living — even it requires “hard choices” elsewhere. Climate is no exception. SHY GREEN It was Starmer’s “personal decision” to go to Brazil, U.K. Climate Minister Katie White told a pre-COP event in London on Tuesday. It was reported in the run-up to the summit that he would skip Brazil, amid concerns among his top political aides about the optics of a jaunt to South America to talk climate while voters — disillusioned with Starmer and Labour — struggle with the cost of living at home and brace for tax rises expected in the budget. In the end, Starmer opted to go. But the absence of a full traveling press delegation, the norm at previous COPs, means his visit will generate less media coverage. (Government officials insisted the decision not to take a full press pack was purely logistical.) Starmer, while not an expert, is instinctively supportive of climate action, said one government official. But not so much so, countered a Labour MP, that he has “his own ideas about things.” “He wants to do the right thing, but would be steered as to whether that’s talking about forests or clean power or whatever. I suspect [No 10 Chief of Staff] Morgan McSweeney didn’t want him to go,” said the MP, granted anonymity to give a frank assessment of their leader. JOBS AT HOME GOOD, TREES ABROAD BAD The COP30 leaders’ event is taking place in Belém, the Amazon port city near the edge of the world’s greatest rainforest. But in a symbol of how domestic messaging trumps all else, Starmer will use that global platform to talk about a somewhat less exotic port: Great Yarmouth in East Anglia. It’s one of three U.K. locations — along with Greater Manchester and Belfast — where new, private sector clean energy deals are being announced, securing a modest 600 jobs. The COP30 leaders’ event is taking place in Belém, the Amazon port city near the edge of the world’s greatest rainforest. | Mauro Pimentel/AFP via Getty Images If COP’s Brazilian hosts were hoping for a grander global climate vision, they are about to be disappointed. The U.K. won’t be stumping up any taxpayer money for a global fund to support poorer countries to protect their tropical rainforests — key carbon sinks that, left standing, can help slow the rate of climate change. The Tropical Forests Forever Facility (TFFF) is supposed to be the centerpiece of the summit for Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, but Lula has not been able to rely on even his close, left-wing ally Starmer — with whom he likes to chat about football — to weigh in with a financial contribution to match Brazil’s $1 billion. The U.K. played a role in establishing the concept of the TFFF. An energy department spokesperson said the government remained “incredibly supportive” of the scheme. But, with Reeves warning this week that her budget would deal with “the world as we find it, not the world as I would wish it to be,” her Treasury officials won a Whitehall battle over the U.K.’s financial backing for the scheme. Ministers say only that they will try to drum up private sector investment. ‘KEIR, SOMEWHERE IN THE MIDDLE’ The decision neatly captures the Starmer approach to climate action. If it suits the domestic economic and political agenda, great. If not then, then there is no guarantee of No. 10 and Treasury support. Taxpayer-funded international aid spending, a vital part of the U.K.’s global climate offer, has been slashed. At the same time, despite stretching emissions goals, one of the world’s busiest airports, Heathrow, will be expanded — because of its potential benefits for growth. Ministers are looking at watering down a pledge to ban new licences for oil and gas exploration in the North Sea, amid a sclerotic economy. The Treasury is considering easing the tax burden on fossil fuel companies. The bipolar approach risks bringing Starmer and Reeves into conflict with the U.K.’s energetic, committedly green Energy Secretary Ed Miliband, who will lead the country’s delegation to the COP30 conference and the formal United Nations negotiation. “On all of this, there is Ed on one side, Rachel on the other, and Keir somewhere in the middle,” said the government official. Starmer largely subcontracts his climate and energy policy to Miliband, said an industry figure who frequently interacts with government. Many MPs wish Starmer would act more like Miliband and embrace his green record more exuberantly. They point to the recent surge in support for the Green Party, which is making some in Labour nearly as nervous as the rise of Nigel Farage’s Reform UK to their right. OUTFLANKED In that context, it was a “no-brainer” for Starmer to go to COP and appear “visibly committed to climate action,” said Steve Akehurst from the political research firm Persuasion UK. “In so far as there is any real backlash to net zero in the U.K., it does not exist inside the Labour electoral coalition,” he said. The Greens are now “competing strongly for those votes.” A second Labour MP put it bluntly. “Starmer is so politically weak that to not attend would open up yet another front on his already collapsed centre-left flank,” they said. Before getting on the plane to Brazil, Starmer met sixth-form students at 10 Downing Street to talk about the summit and the environment. There was a flash of the green, idealistic Starmer that some say lurks beneath the political triangulation. He took the opportunity to remind the teenagers of the “obligation we undoubtedly have to safeguard the planet for generations to come.” “But also,” he added, it’s about safeguarding “hundreds of thousands of jobs in this country.” Additional reporting by Abby Wallace.

LONDON — American pharmaceutical giants will start to shutter their U.K. operations unless Keir Starmer’s government agrees to pay more for their drugs, U.S. Ambassador to the U.K. Warren Stephens warned ministers on Wednesday. “The U.K. needs to continue addressing its pricing structures for medicines to ensure it can compete for investment from U.S. firms,” Stephens told a U.K.-U.S. business gathering in central London attended by British trade and foreign ministers. “If there are not changes made, and fast, pharma businesses will not only cancel future investments, they will shut down their facilities in the U.K.,” the diplomat said. “This would be a major blow to a country that prides itself, rightly so, on its life sciences sector.”  The U.K. is locked in drug-pricing negotiations with the Trump administration and pharmaceutical firms about how much the National Health Service pays for their products through the so-called Voluntary Scheme for Pricing, Access and Growth (VPAG) scheme. Britain has offered to increase the threshold at which the NHS pays firms for medicines by up to 25 percent, POLITICO first reported in October. But pharmaceutical executives are pushing the government to go further. American drugmaker Eli Lilly’s international business chief said on Monday that it wants to see more changes to Britain’s medicine market before it pivots on its abandoned £279 million investment in a biotech incubator project. “I don’t think we have heard enough to say that we are willing to get the Lilly Gateway Lab started,” Patrik Jonsson, president of Lilly’s international business, which covers all markets outside the U.S., told POLITICO. The focus of talks has turned to the government’s “clawback” system, where firms have to pay back part of their revenue if the total amount the NHS spends on drugs rises above a certain cap. Unless ministers agree to also raise that cap, any extra NHS spending will mean a larger clawback bill for pharma companies. Pricing talks feature in the U.K.’s ongoing trade negotiations with Washington after Starmer struck a framework trade deal with Trump in May, promising to “improve the overall environment” for pharmaceutical firms operating in Britain. U.K. negotiators are currently in Washington and “progress is being made on this literally as we speak,” Stephens said, adding he hopes “that will yield some success.”  The U.K.’s “chief obstacle” to growth is also its high energy costs, Stephens added. “If there are not major reforms to U.K. energy policy, then the U.K.’s position as a premier destination in the global economy is vulnerable.”  Britain’s Labour government is “completely signed up to an ambitious agenda for business,” said Trade Minister Chris Bryant, in an address following Stephens’ speech. He set out how the government plans to “integrate” its industrial, small business and trade strategies to grow the economy.

LONDON — Former British Prime Minister Theresa May laid into her own political party Monday night, accusing it of taking a populist tilt to the right that risks emboldening Nigel Farage. May criticized the Conservatives’ decision to repeal the Climate Change Act 2008, which requires the government to cut carbon emissions by 80 percent by 2050, as an “extreme and unnecessary measure”  that would “fatally undermine” Britain’s leadership on climate issues. The U.K. committed to reaching net zero under May’s administration, something Tory Leader Kemi Badenoch has since called “impossible.” Badenoch has also advocated extensive oil and gas extraction from the North Sea. “This announcement only reinforces climate policy as a dividing line in our politics, rather than being the unifying issue it once was,” May told fellow members of the House of Lords. “And, for the Conservative Party, it risks chasing votes from Reform at the expense of the wider electorate.” May also lambasted the “villainization of the judiciary” by politicians “peddling populist narratives” and said this would “erode public trust in the institutions of our democracy and therefore in democracy itself.” Shadow Justice Secretary Robert Jenrick, who narrowly lost the Tory leadership contest last year, used his conference speech earlier this month as a tirade against “dozens of judges with ties to open-borders charities” and said “judges who blur the line between adjudication and activism can have no place in our justice system.” Though May recalled “frustrating” experiences coming up “against the courts” as a minister, she urged her party to “tread carefully.” “Every step we take to reduce our support for human rights merely emboldens our rivals and weakens our position in the world,” the former prime minister said. “Those politicians in the Western world who use populism and polarisation for their own short-term political ends risk handing a victory to our enemies.”

LONDON — Since Labour swept into office last year, Energy Secretary Ed Miliband has traveled the country enthusing over the government’s dream of a humming, futuristic net-zero economy. The good news, according to polling released Wednesday, is that his vision still has the backing of the public. The bad news is that support is slipping — and voters aren’t convinced Miliband is the guy to deliver it. For Miliband’s political opponents, this validates their wider attacks on him as an out-of-touch climate warrior, flogging a net-zero dream voters have rejected. At Reform’s party conference Friday, party chair David Bull referenced “mad Ed swivel-eyed Milliband.” Not to be outdone, the Conservatives have vowed to squeeze every molecule of oil and gas from beneath the North Sea, deadly heatwaves be damned. But it also shines a light on a confusing feature of British politics: a misalignment between the stories politicians want to tell about efforts to stop climate change, and stuff the public actually care about. At Reform’s party conference Friday, the party chair David Bull referenced “mad Ed swivel-eyed Milliband.” | Leon Neal/Getty Images The polling, conducted by progressive think tank More in Common and the Climate Outreach NGO, found the number of people who think reaching net-zero emissions will be good for the U.K. vastly outnumber those who think it will have a negative effect — 48 percent versus 16 percent. More people feel that the shift to clean energy has been fair than unfair. In Scotland, more are proud of the offshore wind industry (63 percent) than the oil and gas industry (54 percent). “Those who seek to divide communities with climate disinformation will not win because they do not represent the interests or values of the British people,” Miliband said in a statement shared with the media. Despite this, voters are hesitant about the personal impact of a country rushing to go green. Seventy-four percent of people think the U.K.’s commitment to reach net-zero emissions by 2050 will eventually cost them money personally. The gap between those who think it will be beneficial for the U.K. versus harmful has shrunk by 20 points in only a year. This is frequently interpreted as a sign that a personal desire to help fix the climate is butting up against the hard realities of net zero, which requires changes like fitting millions of heat pumps and EV chargers and overhauling the energy grid. Further polling released by The Times Tuesday backs up the sense voters are growing more divided on climate change. It shows support for net zero collapsing among Reform and Conservative voters, while overall the issue has slipped from voters’ list of top concerns. But analysts from Climate Outreach said part of the problem isn’t the message but the messengers. “Politicians are not well trusted to speak about climate,” the NGO said in an analysis shared with POLITICO. In fact, elected leaders were the least trusted carriers of the climate message — beneath also-lowly ranked protesters and energy company executives. TRUST ISSUES Voter wariness about pro-climate messages isn’t a feature of green politics in particular, said Emma James, a researcher at Climate Outreach, but a symptom of broader public cynicism about government. “They don’t trust that politicians are there for people like them. Some audience segments feel that the system is rigged against them,” she said. It’s not net zero the public aren’t buying, it’s the ability of this government — or any government — to deliver it. Voters believe the NHS remains broken. National projects like high-speed rail lines and nuclear power stations keep being delayed at higher and higher costs. This creates a problem for Miliband. At a time of deep voter skepticism, his Department for Energy Security and Net Zero (DESNZ) is pursuing precisely that kind of major national project — involving upfront costs, disruption and complex trade-offs, with the promise of huge savings to private and public purses down the line. It will, Miliband argues, generate new jobs. Under Rishi Sunak, the Conservatives went in search of their own set of climate salespeople. | Carl Court/Getty Images “We will win this fight by showing the visible benefits of the clean energy transition,” insisted one Labour official, granted anonymity to discuss the government’s internal deliberations. The story of failure, however, is pervasive and self-reinforcing, said Richard Johnson, a political scientist at Queen Mary University of London. “Policy delivery has to be tied in with a compelling political narrative and the political leadership that can tell that story and interpret what people are seeing in front of their eyes,” he said. “I wonder now if there is such a high level of cynicism … that even if you did tell a compelling narrative around policy delivery, that people would not believe it.” Johnson lays the blame with Miliband’s boss, U.K. Prime Minister Keir Starmer, “who has been in a way almost catastrophically unable to put together a compelling narrative for his government. Or, quite frankly, even his own leadership.” Downing Street says it is focused on driving economic growth across the country. This is not isolated to Labour. Under Rishi Sunak, the Conservatives went in search of their own set of climate salespeople — before deciding that there was more political capital in ditching pro-climate policies. Climate Outreach said Miliband could turn this problem into an “opportunity,” as long as he laid off the grand projet and focused on the visible, local benefits of climate policies. And there is some evidence that Labour gets it, seen in the government’s move to chip in for the energy bills of people living in sight of unpopular new electricity pylons. The more conservative or skeptical parts of the British electorate still had deep enthusiasm for messages about protecting the environment, the pollsters said. But most important, the NGO argued, was bringing other voices into the frame. While politicians are viewed very dimly indeed, experts and scientists are seen as credible messengers, the polling shows. So too are those seen to understand what life is like for normal British people. Farmers were among the messengers who cut through most with traditionalists and those described by the pollsters as “patriots.” Jeremy Clarkson, DESNZ needs you.

LONDON — The Conservatives might be stuck in the wilderness of opposition. But a host of digital warriors are determined to turn their fortunes around. Wounded by an election rout delivering the party’s worst ever result last year, a band of battle-hardened millennials and Gen Z whizzkids are trying to keep the flame of U.K. conservatism burning bright. Despite languishing in the polls and facing constant threats from Nigel Farage’s Reform UK, some Tories are keen to show they’ve not given up the fight by posting snappy, eye-catching social media videos.  “It’s absolutely essential that they bring through some new talent,” argued Tim Bale, a professor of politics at Queen Mary, University of London, and author of The Conservative Party After Brexit: Turmoil and Transformation. Pointing to opinion polling about the last Tory government, Bale argued, “people are not prepared to forgive that generation of politicians.” Party Leader Kemi Badenoch’s position remains insecure ahead of Tory conference this fall, with some Conservatives eying former leadership opponent Robert Jenrick as a possible successor. The shadow justice secretary has garnered a significant following on X by posting videos lambasting the government in a direct, no-nonsense style. Topics include tackling Tube fare dodgers and visiting northern France to meet migrants planning to cross the English Channel. Jenrick, it seems, has inspired others to follow suit. Here, POLITICO runs through the Tory posters keeping the dream of actually governing again alive.  KATIE LAM  The Weald of Kent MP went viral on X in April for a punchy parliamentary speech about grooming gangs.   Lam makes regular appearances on podcasts like the Spectator’s Coffee House Shots and less traditional outlets like football chairman Peter McCormack’s show. Serving as a Home Office whip, an X video last month about migration’s impact on public services — using pink beads to represent immigrants and jars to represent Britain — was praised for explaining a complex policy in an understandable way. Bale speculated whether videos like this aimed to boost the profile of newer MPs with journalists: “Although it seems like going over the heads of the media, actually, to be honest, Twitter is going through the media.” Lam has posted long social media threads on the economy, parliamentary sovereignty, the Equality Act and grooming gangs. Her ubiquity on the think tank and parliamentary circuit even saw a video compiling her appearances to the soundtrack of Blondie’s Atomic. And she met JD Vance during the U.S. vice president’s vacation in Britain. DANNY KRUGER  Kruger was a key figure during the dying days of the last Conservative government. Previously David Cameron’s chief speechwriter and Boris Johnson’s political secretary, Kruger has seen the Tories through highs and lows. He shows no signs of slowing down. Kruger was a key figure during the dying days of the last Conservative government. | Justin Tallos/AFP via Getty Images The East Wiltshire MP led the campaign against the assisted dying bill, with clips of him opposing the proposed change in law widely shared online — and emphasizing that conservatism was built around people’s duty to one another.   A 2023 book “Covenant: The New Politics of Home, Neighbourhood and Nation” was expanded on with a lengthy X thread about religion after MPs approved assisted dying. Kruger’s reach grew even larger with a viral Commons speech in July about restoring Christianity. The chamber was empty — but his comments were viewed millions of times. Kruger also met Vance over the summer.  NICK TIMOTHY  Timothy was only elected last year, but is a political veteran. The West Suffolk MP had a bumpy time as Theresa May’s joint chief of staff in No 10. He resigned after the then PM spectacularly lost her parliamentary majority in 2017 on a manifesto he co-authored.  Entering the Commons seven years later, Timothy has reinvented himself, writing punchy columns on topics as broad as net zero, assisted dying and immigration.   He has made a running arguing that free speech is under attack, and accusing Britain’s politicians of allowing a de facto blasphemy law to take hold. Introducing a private members’ bill on freedom of expression, Timothy attracted attention after questioning whether criticism of Islam is now allowed in modern Britain. He may be an old hand, but he’s shown an adeptness at grabbing attention in the modern age.  Timothy attracted attention for raising concerns about whether criticism of Islam was allowed. | Facundo Arrizabalaga/EPA HARRIET CROSS   The Conservatives had few successes last year, but did manage to hold most of their Scottish seats, including the new Gordon and Buchan constituency in north east Scotland, which elected Cross as its MP. The One Nation Tory, who originally backed centrist Tom Tugendhat in the leadership race, has campaigned online strongly on issues that tend to cause Labour trouble.   Labour’s refusal to grant any new oil and gas licences and instead focus on renewable energy was leapt upon by Cross, whose seat is right by fossil fuels hotspot the North Sea. She posted regular videos from parliament defending employment in fossil fuel industries and trying to set a clear dividing line.   Labour’s inheritance tax changes for farmers also attracted her ire, and she was tapped up to introduce Scottish Tory Leader Russell Findlay at the party’s summer conference. Given the tough prospects facing the Tories at next year’s Holyrood elections, expect Cross’ star to rise. JAMES COWLING   Cowling has run Next Gen Tories since November 2022, an organization that puts “tackling the generational divide” at its core. Previously a parliamentary researcher, Cowling regularly posts graphics about modern housing costs.   Alongside working at the London Stock Exchange Group, Cowling has written for free market CapX website, where he suggested that a “vibe shift” backing fiscal responsibility could benefit the Tories. He told City AM that delivering infrastructure projects and lowering taxes was essential to stop young people from backing authoritarianism. Cowling has shown a willingness to debate opponents on the left-wing PoliticsJOE podcast too, which has a sizable young audience.  James Fisk, Next Gen Tories’ social media and content lead, said digital media creators should “enjoy it as much as possible” and not take it “ridiculously seriously, because people will see through it.” But Fisk admitted, “you really win people over in person.”   SIMON CLARKE  Clarke served in Liz Truss’ disastrously short administration, and was among hundreds of Tory MPs ejected from parliament last year, albeit by a tiny margin of 214 votes. However, he’s not opted to retreat from politics, and instead thrown himself into wonk world, heading up the center-right Onward think tank since January. “If you’re not shaping the digital debate, you’re at risk of talking to empty air,” Clarke told POLITICO, stressing the Tories needed to present their ideas confidently. “We’ve often tried to win online arguments with corporate tone and committee lines — and it doesn’t work.”  Clarke has certainly had some fun by answering 20 quickfire questions on an exercise bike, walking and talking around Westminster and (temporarily) becoming the new James Bond with “a license to build” as chair of Conservative YIMBY. Maybe losing your seat isn’t so bad after all? “If you’re not shaping the digital debate, you’re at risk of talking to empty air,” Simon Clarke told POLITICO. | Tolga Akmen/EPA JAMES YUCEL   Yucel directs Conservative YIMBY’s day-to-day operations (as well as working at Onward). An organization existing “to make the Conservative Party the home of the builders once again,” its Yes In My Back Yard approach starkly contrasts with older Tory voters, many of whom oppose new housing.  Conservative YIMBY’s first policy document, which was launched in a Westminster townhouse, outlined eight ways the Planning and Infrastructure Bill could be improved. The group’s denim blue “build baby build” baseball caps, costing £15, have become prolific, with Katie Lam, Tory Chairman Kevin Hollinrake and even Kemi Badenoch herself persuaded to wear them. Yucel sees former Home Secretary James Cleverly, who now shadows the housing brief, as an ally in his battle and has argued forcefully for the right to back more housing. But he has also defended Badenoch in a separate thread for her skepticism about Labour “overriding local democratic consent” on housing. The Tories want to fundamentally show they’ve got a USP for younger voters. “The Conservative Party has got an existential problem,” Tory peer Daniel Finkelstein warned. “It doesn’t have the support of enough young people, and if it doesn’t win that support, it can’t survive.”

LONDON — The British government is expected to unveil crucial guidance on scope-three emissions for oil and gas projects in the North Sea on Thursday, according to two industry figures and a figure familiar with government planning. Climate watchdog the Offshore Petroleum Regulator for Environment and Decommissioning launched a consultation last October on guidance for emissions in the fossil fuel industry.  That consultation closed in January. This followed a legal verdict last summer, known as the Finch case. It determined that end-use emissions, known as ‘scope three’, must be factored into the environmental impact of fossil fuel projects as part of applying for planning permission. OPRED and the North Sea Transition Authority regulator have paused decisions on licenses for new drilling projects and the granting of existing licenses until the government clarifies its position. “We took the decision … that we have some decisions to take that risk looking a bit incongruous. [So] we pause, we wait until we see what the policy landscape from government is, and then we decide what to do moving forward. And so that’s exactly where we are,” Stuart Payne, NSTA chief executive, told POLITICO in January. This includes fossil fuel projects Rosebank and Jackdaw in the North Sea, which campaigners successfully challenged earlier this year — leading to their environment approvals being revoked. A DESNZ spokesperson told MECUK they were not going to comment on speculation, but confirmed Energy Minister Michael Shanks would be in Scotland on Thursday. CORRECTION: An earlier version of this story included an inaccurate decision date.