BRUSSELS — The European Commission published its long-term “vision” for the
European Union’s agriculture and food policy on Wednesday, setting out ambitions
for a sector that has been at the center of political protests, trade tensions
and regulatory headaches.
Agriculture Commissioner Christophe Hansen’s paper lays out a roadmap through
2040, promising better conditions for farmers, fairer supply chains, and a
rethinking of sustainability policies.
“Food and farming are vital for Europe’s people, economy and society. We need
the agri-food sector to flourish and compete in a fair global marketplace, with
enough resilience to cope with crises and shocks,” Hansen said as he unveiled
the plan.
“The roadmap we are presenting today sets out the path for tackling the many
pressures that EU farmers face.”
But while the EU executive wants to ease some regulatory burdens, it’s also
laying the ground for bigger fights over trade rules, food pricing and supply
chain fairness.
Here are the five key takeaways from the EU’s master plan for agriculture:
1. MAKE FARMING ATTRACTIVE AGAIN (OR AT LEAST SURVIVABLE)
European farmers are getting old: Just 12 percent are under 40, and many are
struggling with low incomes, bureaucracy and volatile markets. Hansen’s vision
acknowledges that, unless something changes, Europe won’t have enough farmers
left by 2040 — or the ones who remain will just be fewer and bigger.
His plan? Better pay, fewer administrative burdens and new income streams like
carbon farming and bioeconomy projects to keep young people in the business. The
Commission is also set to deliver a generational renewal strategy this year,
focusing on easier access to land and financing for young farmers.
A revamp of the Common Agricultural Policy after 2027 will be key to delivering
on these promises. But there’s already an emerging fight over whether the CAP
should remain a standalone fund in the EU budget or get folded into a larger
money pot. The Commission is signaling a shift toward more targeted CAP support,
prioritizing active farmers, young entrants and those producing essential food.
There’s also talk of simplifying direct payments and adjusting subsidy
distribution.
The big question: Will this actually attract new farmers — or just stop existing
ones from quitting?
2. THE FIGHT OVER FOOD CHAIN PROFITS ISN’T OVER
Hansen’s vision takes aim at power imbalances in the food supply chain,
signaling that the Commission isn’t done cracking down on unfair trading
practices. Farmers have long argued that retailers and food manufacturers
squeeze them on prices, forcing them to sell below production costs — a practice
the Commission wants to curb further by revising the UTP directive.
However, while farmer groups see this as essential, the Commission’s free-market
hawks remain uneasy about an outright ban on below-cost sales that could distort
competition. So, the vision emphasizes rules against “systematically” compelling
below-cost sales, rather than writing a strict, blanket ban into law.
The plan also includes a greater role for the new Agri-Food Chain Observatory to
track who makes what margin in the food supply chain — a move that could add
transparency, but also more friction, between farmers and bigger actors.
And it’s not just farmers feeling squeezed. The Commission is also acknowledging
concerns about rural workers, women in agriculture, and foreign laborers, saying
the industry needs to be more attractive and fair. A Women in Farming platform
will be launched, though it’s unclear how much impact it will have. There is
also a call to improve conditions for low-wage workers in agriculture and food
processing, but no new enforcement tools to back it up.
Expect pushback from other players, like retailers and food manufacturers, who
argue that higher farm-gate prices will drive up costs for consumers, but also
concerns that the EU isn’t doing enough to protect farm and food-sector workers
from low pay and poor conditions.
3. SUSTAINABLE CARROTS, NOT UNSUSTAINABLE STICKS
The Commission wants farming to decarbonize and pollute less, but farmers should
be seen as part of the solution, not the problem, the vision argues. That means
fewer penalties and more incentives, while food companies and retailers should
bear as much of the climate and environmental burden — though how they’ll be
held accountable remains unclear.
The slew of environmental derogation requests from farmers shows that
“one-size-fits-all approaches” don’t work, the Commission says. That’s why the
midyear CAP simplification will give EU countries more flexibility, shifting the
CAP “away from conditions to incentives,” including for “streamlined” ecosystem
services.
The plan includes stronger support for carbon farming, bioenergy production,
organic and agroecological practices, and the bioeconomy and circularity.
Brussels also wants biopesticides and new genomic techniques to reach the market
faster — with a proposal on biopesticides promised this year — while
biotechnologies need scaling up.
The European Food Safety Authority (EFSA) should get a larger budget to speed up
safety assessments and clear regulatory bottlenecks. That said, not all
innovations are welcome. The paper warns that “certain food innovation is
sometimes seen as a threat” — a not-so-subtle nod to cultivated meat. It “calls
for an enhanced dialogue,” which effectively means a freeze.
Meanwhile, livestock “is and will remain an essential part of” the EU’s food
system, with its own dedicated “work stream” to boost competitiveness. Feed
additives “will be essential” to making the sector more sustainable.
4. MORE HOMEGROWN FOOD AND FEED, AND A CRACKDOWN ON IMPORTS
The final text slightly tones down some of the trade protectionist language from
an earlier draft, but the Commission is still sounding the alarm over Europe’s
dependency on imported agricultural inputs, from fertilizers to animal feed.
Right now, the EU heavily relies on key fertilizer imports from Russia, Belarus
and North Africa, while soy for animal feed comes mostly from South and North
America.
To fix this, Hansen’s vision includes a new protein strategy to boost EU-grown
plant proteins, increased production of low-carbon and recycled fertilizers, and
more investment in domestic agritech innovation. The Commission is also
exploring the idea of food stockpiles — a move that signals greater concern for
supply chain resilience.
One of the most politically sensitive parts of the vision? A trade reciprocity
plan is expected in 2025, outlining how the EU will enforce equal standards for
imports on pesticides, animal welfare and sustainability.
To back this up with enforcement, the Commission wants to set up a dedicated
import control task force, working with member countries to strengthen border
checks and prevent banned substances from entering the EU market.
The challenge? Replacing imports without driving up costs — or setting off trade
conflicts with key partners.
But in a key change from the earlier leaked draft, there’s now no explicit ban
on EU companies exporting toxic pesticides that are prohibited at home. Instead,
the Commission will begin with an impact assessment, leaving open what future
restrictions might look like.
5. CRUMBS FOR THE CONSUMER
Neither food, nor consumers get much in the way of new rules. The Commission
will propose strengthening the role of public procurement, though a desire
stated in last week’s version to ditch the “cheaper is better” mentality has
been deleted, emphasizing merely that procurers should seek the “best value.”
The document calls for shorter supply chains. Eating healthy also means eating
local, it argues, since unfortunately “food is more processed, eating habits are
changing and supply chains have gotten longer.” For that reason, there will be a
Food Dialogue with stakeholders every year to discuss product reformulation,
food affordability and collecting data on dietary intake. The Berlaymont will
launch a study on the health impact of ultra-processed foods and it intends to
extend country-of-origin labeling.
Another change from last week is a paragraph on how consumers should receive
“trustworthy information” and that the EU will crack down on “misleading
environmental claims and unreliable sustainability labels.” Consumers should
also be “supporting farmers in the transition” toward more environmental
production, since “markets fail to reward the progress already made.”
There is no mention of front-of-pack labeling (like the forgotten Nutri-Score),
nutrient profiles for marketing sugary, salty and fatty products, or plant-based
diets.
CAN THIS VISION SURVIVE THE POLITICS?
Brussels’ new vision is full of big promises — simpler rules for farmers, a more
balanced food supply chain, a crackdown on unfair trade and a pivot to carrots
over sticks on green rules.
But in scrapping an explicit export ban on toxic pesticides and watering down
rules on public procurement, the Commission shows it’s wary of imposing new
hurdles that could spark backlash.
That leaves a big question mark over whether this plan can actually change
Europe’s farming model — and if it will do enough to ease the concerns of
farmers, consumer groups and environmental campaigners.
With the upcoming CAP reform, looming budget fights and intense trade
negotiations ahead, it won’t be an easy harvest for Hansen.
This story has been updated.
Tag - Unfair trading practices
BRUSSELS — Richard Takáč, Slovakia’s agriculture minister in Robert Fico’s
populist government, has emerged as the face of a renewed Eastern bloc campaign
to curb the power of supermarkets and multinational food giants in the European
Union.
Backed by Bulgaria, Croatia, Hungary, Lithuania, Romania and Slovenia, Takáč is
calling on the European Commission to go beyond updates it proposed in December
to the EU’s rules on unfair trading practices.
In a note circulated ahead of a meeting of EU agriculture ministers in Brussels
on Monday, the coalition argued that the reforms fail to address practices like
selective pricing strategies and the sale of goods at prices below the cost of
production, which disproportionately harm farmers and consumers in smaller
markets.
Eastern Europe’s food supply chain is shaped by foreign supermarket chains like
Lidl, Tesco, Spar and Auchan, which have entrenched themselves as key players in
the retail landscape.
While the note does not single out specific actors, the foreign retailers’
strong bargaining power has sparked long-running tensions with governments,
which accuse them of driving down prices and squeezing traditional shops out of
business.
The Commission’s December proposal sought to address complaints from farmers by
empowering national authorities to investigate cross-border abuses and mandating
contracts to ensure pricing transparency.
BIG BUYERS, BIGGER PROBLEMS
But Takáč and his allies insist that deeper structural changes are needed to
tackle the dominance of powerful buyers and secure fairer conditions for weaker
players in the food supply chain.
“First and foremost, there is a need to increase the protection of … farmers,
but also processors and food producers,” the note reads, adding that “it is also
important to increase the protection of the final consumer against the abuse of
the position by dominant entities.”
Governments across Eastern Europe have introduced measures in the past to curb
supermarkets’ influence — such as taxes, price caps and requirements to stock
local produce — but these have often clashed with EU single market rules.
In Hungary, Prime Minister Viktor Orbán has taken particularly aggressive steps,
targeting foreign supermarkets with levies, price caps, and policies favoring
local ownership — measures critics say are designed to drive international
players out of the market.
Takáč’s latest campaign at the EU level reflects similar frustrations and
mirrors his domestic agenda.
At home, he has championed measures to protect Slovak producers, including a
proposed constitutional amendment in late 2024 requiring retailers to stock a
minimum proportion of local food — even though the Czech Republic and Romania
abandoned similar efforts over potential EU legal challenges. His ministry has
also pledged to impose a levy on retail chains and mandate that at least 50
percent of Slovak food products feature in store promotions.
Slovakia, alongside Poland and Hungary, also maintains an illegal embargo on
Ukrainian farm imports. Takáč frames this as a necessary step to protect
domestic producers, signaling the government’s willingness to defy EU rules when
it comes to safeguarding national interests.