LONDON — To mark the festive season POLITICO’s London Playbook asked a host of
key players in Westminster to share the best — and worst — Christmas presents
they’ve ever received. Here’s what came back.
Lucy Powell, deputy Labour leader: As a kid, probably my Girls World (no-one
under age of 45 would understand) was my best. As an adult, we only do Secret
Santas now and we write a list for that. But recently my (lovely) husband
bought me the same present he bought me the year before …
John Swinney, Scottish first minister: Best gift? Steve Clarke’s early Christmas
gift to the nation with a 4-2 win over Denmark to secure a World Cup spot next
year.
Ed Davey, Lib Dem leader: When my wife got me my first set of base layers, I at
last understood why my lovely mum had always asked for Damart.
Mel Stride, Conservative Shadow Chancellor: My best present was a pedal car when
I was around 5. I can still remember it being unveiled on the kitchen table. It
seemed huge and high up and loaded with the promise of long drives and
adventure. I loved that car.
Beth Rigby, Sky News political editor: Best? An Arsenal Christmas bauble. Worst?
A Tottenham Hotspur mug.
An Arsenal Christmas bauble. | Julian Finney/Getty Images
Richard Hermer, attorney general: Best present? Mr Muscle drain cleaner for all
those governmental blockages. Worst present? Media coverage last year that
referred to me as a Londoner, rather than as being from Wales.
James Heale, Spectator deputy pol-ed: My best Christmas book was receiving a
copy of Alan Clark’s diaries as a schoolboy. Sadly, most Tory backbenchers live
much less exciting lives these days.
Douglas Alexander, Scotland Secretary: The ‘best’ present was my son — who was
born much earlier than expected … and so arrived in December. The ‘worst’ gift
was the year there weren’t any presents at all … as the Manse [a house provided
for church ministers] was burgled during the Christmas Eve service my dad was
taking.
Wendy Chamberlain, Lib Dem chief whip: My husband bought me a keyboard and
rather than wrap it he put a card with a pound note inside it on the tree and
wrapped a packet of Quavers for under the tree. These were my clues. I ended up
pretty frustrated and confused, particularly given that I’ve never played a
musical instrument …
Natalie Bennett, Green Party peer and former leader: Worst? Call it a cautionary
tale for older relatives: when I was 10 (1976), my grandmother was trying to be
“down with the kids” and gave me the latest Abba cassette. But youth taste in
suburban Sydney had already moved on and I was careful not to tell any of my
peers because Abba was by then deeply uncool. My best was when my then-partner
Jim got an artist to draw a picture of my former Battersea staffie
[Staffordshire Bull Terrier] Beanie. The artist captured her energy and
enthusiasm beautifully.
Luke Tryl, More in Common pollster: I don’t think anything can beat getting
Mighty Max Skull mountain age 5 or 6. It’s all been disappointment since then.
Katie White, DESNZ Minister: My best gift might actually be a gift this year,
after I spotted what looked very much like a confirmation order from a generous
gift giver. If my hopes are right, it’s the viral, now TikTok-famous Yorkshire
pecorino. The worst, and possibly least romantic, gift I’ve ever received was a
poached egg pan from Woolworths.
Stephen Flynn, SNP’s (follicly-challenged) Westminster leader: The mother bought
me caffeine shampoo last year or the year before.
Tag - Caffeine
DOHA, Qatar — Inside the U.S., President Donald Trump is dogged by rising
consumer prices, the Epstein files debacle, and Republicans’ newfound
willingness to defy him.
But go 100 miles, 1,000 miles, or, as I recently did, 7,000 miles past U.S.
borders, and Trump’s domestic challenges — and the sinking poll numbers that
accompany them — matter little.
The U.S. president remains a behemoth in the eyes of the rest of the world. A
person who could wreck another country. Or perhaps the only one who can fix
another country’s problems.
That’s the sense I got this weekend from talking to foreign officials and global
elites at this year’s Doha Forum, a major international gathering focused on
diplomacy and geopolitics.
Over sweets, caffeine and the buzz of nearby conversations, some members of the
jet set wondered if Trump’s domestic struggles will lead him to take more risks
abroad — and some hope he does. This comes as Trump faces criticism from key
MAGA players who say he’s already too focused on foreign policy.
“He doesn’t need Capitol Hill to get work done from a foreign policy
standpoint,” an Arab official said of Trump, who, let’s face it, has made it
abundantly clear he cares little about Congress.
Vuk Jeremic, a former Serbian foreign minister, told me that whether people like
Trump or not, “I don’t think that there is any doubt that he is a very, very
consequential global actor.”
He wasn’t the only one who used the term “consequential.”
The word doesn’t carry a moral judgment. A person can be consequential whether
they save the world or destroy it. What the word does indicate in this context
is the power of the U.S. presidency. The weakest U.S. president is still
stronger than the strongest leader of most other countries. America’s wealth,
weapons and global reach ensure that.
U.S. presidents have long had more latitude and ability to take direct action on
foreign policy than domestic policy. They also often turn to the global stage
when their national influence fades in their final years in office, when they
don’t have to worry about reelection. There’s a reason Barack Obama waited until
his final two years in office to restore diplomatic ties with Cuba.
In the first year of his second term, Trump has stunned the world repeatedly, on
everything from gutting U.S. foreign aid to bombing Iran’s nuclear facilities.
He remains as capricious as ever, shifting sides on everything from Russia’s war
on Ukraine to whether he wants to expel Palestinians from Gaza. He seeks a Nobel
Peace Prize but is threatening a potential war with Venezuela.
Trump managed to jolt the gathering at the glitzy Sheraton resort in Doha by
unveiling his National Security Strategy — which astonished foreign onlookers on
many levels — in the run-up to the event.
The part that left jaws on the floor was its attack on America’s allies in
Europe, which it claimed faces “civilizational erasure.” The strategy’s release
led one panel moderator to ask the European Union’s top diplomat, Kaja Kallas,
whether Trump sees Europe as “the enemy.”
Yet, some foreign officials praised Trump’s disruptive moves and said they hope
he will keep shaking up a calcified international order that has left many
countries behind.
Several African leaders in particular said they wanted Trump to get more
involved in ending conflicts on their continent, especially Sudan. They don’t
care about the many nasty things Trump has said about Africa, waving that off as
irrelevant political rhetoric.
Trump claims to have already ended seven or eight wars. It’s a wild assertion,
not least because some of the conflicts he’s referring to weren’t wars and some
of the truces he’s brokered are shaky.
When I pointed this out, foreign officials told me to lower my bar. Peace is a
process, they stressed. If Trump can get that process going or rolling faster,
it’s a win.
Maybe there are still clashes between Rwanda and Congo. But at least Trump is
forcing the two sides to talk and agree to framework deals, they suggested.
“You should be proud of your president,” one African official said. (I granted
him and several others anonymity to candidly discuss sensitive diplomatic issues
involving the U.S.)
Likewise, there’s an appreciation in many diplomatic corners about the economic
lens Trump imposes on the world. Wealthy Arab states, such as Qatar, already are
benefiting from such commercial diplomacy.
Others want in, too.
“He’s been very clear that his Africa policy should focus on doing business with
Africa, and to me, that’s very progressive,” said Mthuli Ncube, Zimbabwe’s
finance minister. He added that one question in the global diplomatic community
is whether the next U.S. president — Democrat or Republican — will adopt Trump’s
“creativity.”
The diplomats and others gathered in Doha were well-aware that Trump appreciates
praise but also sometimes respects those who stand up to him. So one has to
tread carefully.
Kallas, for instance, downplayed the Trump team’s broadsides against Europe in
the National Security Strategy. Intentionally or not, her choice reflected the
power differential between the U.S. and the EU.
“The U.S. is still our biggest ally,” Kallas insisted.
Privately, another European official I spoke to was fuming. The strategy’s
accusations were “very disturbing,” they said.
The official agreed, nonetheless, that Trump is too powerful for European
countries to do much beyond stage some symbolic diplomatic protests.
Few Trump administration officials attended the Doha Forum. The top names were
Matt Whitaker, the U.S. ambassador to NATO, and Tom Barrack, the U.S. ambassador
to Turkey. Donald Trump Jr. — not a U.S. official, but certainly influential
— also made an appearance.
Several foreign diplomats expressed optimism that Trump’s quest for a Nobel
Peace Prize will guide him to take actions on the global stage that will
ultimately bring more stability in the world — even if it is a rocky ride.
A British diplomat said they were struck by Trump’s musings about gaining entry
to heaven. Maybe a nervousness about the afterlife could induce Trump to, say,
avoid a conflagration with Venezuela?
“He’s thinking about his legacy,” the diplomat said.
Even Hillary Clinton, the former secretary of State whom Trump defeated in the
2016 presidential race, was measured in her critiques.
Clinton said “there’s something to be said for the dramatic and bold action”
Trump takes. But she warned that the Trump team doesn’t do enough to ensure his
efforts, including peace deals, have lasting effect.
“There has to be so much follow-up,” she said during one forum event. “And there
is an aversion within the administration to the kind of work that is done by
Foreign Service officers, diplomats, others who are on the front lines trying to
fulfill these national security objectives.”
Up until the final minute of his presidency, Trump will have extraordinary power
that reaches far past America’s shores. That’s likely to be the case even if the
entire Republican Party has turned on him.
At the moment, he has more than three years to go. Perhaps he will end
immigration to the U.S., abandon Ukraine to Russia’s aggression or strike a
nuclear deal with Iran.
After all, Trump is, as Zimbabwe’s Ncube put it, not lacking in “creativity.”
WESTMINSTER, Massachusetts — “It’s kinda 50/50 in this town,” says Tom O’Toole,
looking out over Main Street from his covered porch in Westminster.
A giant U.S. flag hangs from one porch pillar. From the other, a blue and black
version of the Stars and Stripes in tribute to fallen police officers. “Pray for
America” placards line the lawn outside his white picket fence.
“As far as I’m concerned, he’s really the only choice,” says O’Toole, 61, of
Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump. Democratic contender Kamala
Harris would be a puppet for vested interests, he adds.
The former selectman (local councilor) is bald on top with silver hair flowing
down the back of his head to his shoulders. A picture of a coiled cobra on his
front door tells visitors: “Liberty or death — don’t tread on me.”
Next door, on her own porch, Deborah Howland sits working on a jigsaw. Her white
hair is tied back and the collar of her red fleece is turned down.
When the 75-year-old divorcee moved back to the area a month ago, her son-in-law
had asked whether it was sensible to choose a neighbor so open about having
opposing views to her own.
“Driving around here, I see a lot of Trump signs,” she says, sitting on her
picnic bench, her elbows on the wooden table top. “I am the extreme opposite to
that.”
A NATION DIVIDED
The two neighbors at the polar ends of the spectrum illustrate the deep divide
in the U.S. ahead of the presidential election on Nov. 5.
Polls suggest the race between former president Trump and current Vice President
Harris is neck and neck. Each side argues victory for their opponents would be a
disaster for the nation.
Although Massachusetts is a safe Democratic state and therefore not a crucial
battleground at this election, the 8,000-population town of Westminster is a
bellwether community that tends to swing with the national winner.
In 2016, when Trump first won the White House, Westminster backed the
controversial businessman with 2,165 votes over 1,958 for his Democratic rival
Hillary Clinton. But in 2020, when current President Joe Biden beat Trump
nation-wide, Westminster plumped for the winner again, by 2,665 votes to 2,477.
This schism is one of the few similarities between Westminster, Massachusetts,
and its namesake more than 3,000 miles around the world: the political epicenter
of the U.K. in London.
“In town it’s pretty split,” said a Westminster U.S. store owner who declined to
be named. | Emilio Casalicchio/POLITICO
“In town it’s pretty split,” said a Westminster U.S. store owner who declined to
be named. “I don’t think people are ripping each others’ faces off, but it’s
definitely politically charged out there.”
Numerous residents blame the media for stoking similar divides across the
States, while admitting to seeking outlets aligned with their own opinions to
receive the news.
O’Toole watches pundits on Fox News, but Howland demands a change of channel if
Fox is playing in the bars she visits.
She gave up cable TV at home after the Oct. 7, 2023 Hamas attack on Israel,
because she stopped trusting the coverage. “I’m not going to carry on listening
to these news channels anymore,” she thought.
Instead she reads Consortium News and Electronic Intifada — pro-Palestinian
outlets.
She said the bombardment of Gaza was her “red line” at the election and lists
tightened restrictions on abortion as another reason to vote against Trump.
O’Toole is more concerned about immigration. He complained about local
politicians allowing a hotel down the road to become a migrant center — it’s
hosting up to 30 Haitian families via taxpayer funding.
“You drop 12 million people into the country; of course there’s going to be a
housing issue,” he said. The statistic refers to illegal immigrants, despite the
Haitians in the hotel having legal status.
THE 51ST STATE
The political divides in this sleepy Boston commuter town aren’t obvious to the
passing observer.
When POLITICO visited, a few old-timers were putting up a marquee for a weekend
“attic treasures sale.” The library was offering a session in “beekeeping 101.”
Most of the action happens on Main Street, where white slatted houses ranging
from cottage to mansion size overlook pristine lawns. The homes grow sparse
before fading into the forest at either end of town. The drive through takes no
more than a few minutes.
There are New England churches with sharp spires and the same white slats, plus
a smattering of stores, gas stations and cafes, including a drive through
Dunkin’ Donuts. Pickup trucks seem to breed along the connecting highways and
byways.
Beyond Main Street lie a few quiet roads and a baseball green. | Emilio
Casalicchio/POLITICO
Beyond Main Street lie a few quiet roads and a baseball green. A little further
out, past an egg farm, there’s a rod and gun club — another similarity with
Westminster in London. But while there are still plate and pin shooting sessions
at the U.S. version, the parliamentary rifle range in gun-averse Britain has
been mothballed for almost a decade.
The shots of espresso at Victoria Cafe in Westminster, Massachusetts, do however
rival those in the U.K. political hangout Portcullis House. Artisan coffee is a
pleasing find.
Owner Colby Chrusciel, 32, named the hangout after his Holocaust survivor
grandmother. He roasts his own beans and boasts the best coffee for miles
around. He even has an award to prove it.
Chrusciel didn’t know much about Westminster in Britain. “Is it a desirable
area?” he asked.
Few residents had knowledge about British politics. Some had heard of the odd
U.K. politician, but little more.
The unnamed store owner quoted above said the name Boris Johnson — the former
Conservative prime minister — did ring a bell. However: “I see that name but I
don’t f***ing click on it.”
Reform UK Leader Nigel Farage was the sole British character O’Toole had heard
of — via the MAGA cheerleader’s appearances on Fox. “I find him quite
interesting. He’s a good speaker,” he said.
“I think bring back Jeremy Corbyn!” Howland cooed when asked about U.K.
politics, referring to the far-left former leader of the UK Labour Party.
MAGA MADNESS
Such divided opinions have led to rows blowing up on the Westminster town
Facebook group.
First, the cause was the restrictions around Covid, then the migrant hotel, then
school kids choosing pronouns while questioning gender norms. That led to a
bitter struggle over selections for school governors, amid skepticism about the
values being taught in class.
Some residents argue it was Trump who made American politics a binary game — a
product of his extreme character and all-or-nothing rhetoric.
The political divides in this sleepy Boston commuter town aren’t obvious to the
passing observer. | Emilio Casalicchio/POLITICO
Townspeople described each other as being in the Trump camp or outside it;
caring about traditional values or being open to change; prone to freaking out
about culture wars or able to ignore them.
Chrusciel, from the Victoria Cafe, said residents of rural communities such as
Westminster often echo the traditional values of their parents.
“A lot of people don’t leave these smaller towns,” he said. “They just don’t
have enough exposure to other things, or diverse opportunities.”
But exposure to other worlds doesn’t guarantee voters will support the
Democrats.
Westminster Gas station owner Elias Daher grew up in Lebanon and plans to vote
for Trump.
“She has no conviction! She’s a clown!” the 64-year-old fumed about Harris,
arguing the vice president would be a servant of “corporate America” if she gets
the top job.
But despite the deep differences, O’Toole argued there’s a kinship in the town
that can rise above the political divide.
Indeed, political debates will be left at home during next month’s cracker
festival — an annual event to celebrate a firm that began baking soup crackers
in the town in 1828. | Emilio Casalicchio/POLITICO
“It’s a community that will stick together when need be,” he said. “It’s able to
put stuff aside.”
Indeed, political debates will be left at home during next month’s cracker
festival — an annual event to celebrate a firm that began baking soup crackers
in the town in 1828.
The business moved operations to Vermont decades ago. But its earliest building
still stands on the eastern end of Main Street in Westminster — the name painted
on its red slats serves as another reminder of London’s feverish political
beating heart: Westminster Crackers.