Apparsa per la prima volta nel 1899, questa appassionante autobiografia è al tempo stesso l’incredibile storia di un principe russo che rinuncia ai propri privilegi per diventare uno dei più noti rivoluzionari del suo tempo, e il bruciante resoconto del fermento culturale, politico e umano che spazza un’Europa pronta a un nuovo ordine sociale. Arresti, evasioni e rocambolesche fughe si susseguono in queste memorie che si leggono come un romanzo d’avventura e che ci portano dalla Russia alla Francia, dal Belgio alI’Inghilterra. Ma Kropotkin non fu “solo” un rivoluzionario e un uomo d’azione, fu anche un pensatore e uno scienziato di prima grandezza. Basti ricordare che gli venne proposta la cattedra di geologia all’università di Cambridge, a condizione di rinunciare alla sua attività politica. Poco sorprendentemente, Kropotkin declinò, ma non per questo abbandonò i suoi studi, affascinato com’era dalla complessità della natura e dalla ricchezza delle relazioni umane e animali. Ed è appunto questa visione del mondo che coniuga approccio scientifico e militanza rivoluzionaria a emergere in tutta la sua originalità nelle pagine di un’autobiografia incalzante e corale, che ci offre il profilo umano e politico di un intellettuale sovversivo, troppo ostinato per essere domato e troppo famoso per essere messo a tacere. Tanto da ispirare ancora oggi il desiderio di un mondo migliore.

There is a very obvious article to reprint from the October 1914 issue of Freedom, which is precisely why I’m selecting a different one. The obvious article is ‘A Letter on The Present War’, an infamous piece by Peter Kropotkin in which he called on anarchists to “to do everything in one’s power, according to one’s capacities, to crush down the invasion of the Germans into Western Europe.” Freedom was somewhat grudging in its publishing of the venerable theorist’s lengthy piece, making sure to highlight that it was a personal letter rather than representative of the group and burying it on page four. The letter, obviously, was somewhat controversial, going against both the broad anti-war analysis Freedom had been putting out as international tensions rose, and Kropotkin’s own writing from the years before. The fallout from its publication, in which the movement suffered a partial split between a majority anti-war position and the group who eventually wrote the Manifesto of the Sixteen, is however well covered elsewhere (indeed, on this very website), and the full letter has been reproduced many times. But internicine arguments over the best path to take in Europe were not the only thing happening in October, 110 years ago. In China there was a significant socialist movement taking place, with a not incosiderable anarchist influence both inside and outside the country, particularly from the Paris Group. Writing in Freedom, “P G” talks about the then-recent history of anarchism and socialism in China, expressing frustration at the socialists’ lack of organisation and repression by both the forces of the second revolution and the Portugese. His approving menion of Sifo and interest in Esperanto is characteristic of many Chinese anarchists of the time, the former being well known in the movement and regarded today as something of a Chinese Proudhon. ~Rr -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ANARCHISM IN CHINA Anarchism in China is in its infancy, but, in comparison with the last two years, it seems, to make marked progress at present. State socialists, whose number is estimated at 400,000 (!), begin to throw off their false ideas and join us and most of the students who know some#thing about the idea of evolution become, gradually interested with the Anarchist movement. We would have made more progress if we were not hindered by the second revolution — partly Yuan-Shi-Kai, and partly the so-called political revolutionists. Yuan-Shi-Kai is, of course, a great monster; but the idea of the political revolutionists is also ridiculous. Among them there may be some men who are extremely fervid, but, as far as I can see, what their leaders do is nothing more than farcical. If Yuan-Shi-Kai is knocked down, his position, I can give assurance, will be taken by a second Yuan-Shi-Kai. They will then seize the high offices of State, pocketing what they can lay their hands on, and we people will suffer miserably and be exploited as before. All around us are opponents and obstacles, but, as was said in Freedom, we do not know failure or defeat, but go on our way until our ideal is realised. In China true anarchists are scarce; but there is one whom I ‘regard as an excellent comrade. It is Mr Sifo. He is a man of 28, having one of his hands lost, caused by the explosion of bombs which he intended to throw on the Manchu admiral in the previous revolution about the year 1906. I am only in my nineteenth year; I know I am too young, so I desire to acquire more scientific knowledge. My ardent desire is to come to England or France and study, but am hindered by a single reason — financial difficulty. Isn’t it the most unequal and unhappy thing that one can’t have the right to be educated only because he is poor? And is it possible to delay the social and economical revolution when those exploiters are continuing with all their might to destroy us? The day of the Anarchist Congress is approaching. I am very sorry that I have nothing to report, yet, I cannot refrain from asking you to convey my idea to the Congress. The existence of so many languages at present is a great hindrance to the progress of the world, and to the anarchists it is the worst, so I advise all anarchists to take up the course of Esperanto and study. The reason why there are so few Chinese or Japanese who know “What is Anarchism?” is because there are not many pamphlets about anarchism printed in Chinese or Japanese, so if a Chinese or Japanese wants to have some knowledge about anarchism he must know foreign languages, read foreign pamphlets, and communicate with foreigners. The study of foreign languages is not an easy task. In studying English, it requires five or six years before a Chinese or Japanese can read an English, newspaper; and if he wants .to have a common knowledge of the French language, he has to spend seven years. Besides, there are still German, Italian, Spanish, etc. Is it possible to learn so many languages? I am sure no one will say “possible.” So, Esperanto is the most convenient thing for the Orientals and for anarchists also. I beg also to define briefly the history of anarchism in China. About the year 1907, Chinese students in Paris published a weekly gazette named La Nova Tempo. It was an organ of Chinese revolutionists against the Manchu government, and its opinion was wholly on Anarchism, the editors being Mr Li-Yu-Ying, the founder of the world-famed “Beancurd Company” in Paris, and Wu-Che-Vai. Mr Li translated many books on anarchism, such as Mutual Aid, The State, etc. Law and Authority, A Talk about Anarchist Communism between Two Workers, An Appeal to the Young etc, have also been translated. This gazette lasted for three years, and in 1910 it disappeared. Mr Li spent several hundred thousand dollars in these affairs, entirely on his own cost, for his grandfather had been the Prime Minister of the Manchu dynasty. Although Mr, Li and his comrades did their best to propagate the anarchist ideal, yet there was very little effect, the chief reason being that their paper was published far away from China — in Paris. Since the disappearance of La Nova Tempo there existed not a breath of the anarchist ideal, until in 1911 the revolution broke out when Kiang-Kou-Fu founded the Socialist Party in Shanghai. At the same time, in Canton, Mr Sifo started the “Fujmin Lernejo” and the “Conscience Group,” a free federation, wholly on individual morality. Its prospectus is thus:— (1) Not to take meat (2) not to,smoke, (3) not to drink wine or spirits, (4) not to use servants, (5) not to use rickshaws (vehicles for passengers drawn by human hands), (6) not to marry — free love, (7) not to use surname (in China, surname is a great necessity in family), (8) not to occupy himself as an official, (9) not to occupy himself in Parliament, (10) not to join a political party, (11) not to enter military circle, (12) not to enter religious circle. Siio also published many books and pamphlets for propagation, and some 30,000 copies have been distributed free. At that time Kiang-Kou-Fu had a wonderful career. According to his report, there were over 40 branches of the Chinese Socialist Party, and the number of its members some four hundred thousand. But, strange to say, less than one in a thousand of that number know what socialism is. It is a wonder, for their leader, Kiang-Kou-Fu himself, is always confused with socialism. Seeing this, a minority of the said Chinese Socialist Party became aroused, and so started another new Socialist Party in opposition to the old one, which was then very near to a political party in character. Shortly after its birth, the new Socialist Party was suppressed, arid the following year that old one shared the same fate, in the time of the Second Revolution. By this time, China was in a very confused and shocking state. The revolutionists were defeated, everywhere the people were threatened with arrests and shots, and in Canton arrests were made several times a day. All around the city were brutal spies, and one who had a breath of complaint would soon find himself in conflict. Those arrested were shot. But at this time we went on with our work. We had a printing machine, so we composed and printed for ourselves. The first and second copy of La Voco de la Popolo (Voice of The People in Esperanto) had been published, when early one morning news reached us that we were to be arrested and that our last moment was approaching!. We then took counsel, and after everything was in good order we sailed for Macau, with a hope that we could continue the propagation of the anarchist ideal. But, unfortunately, we suffered a second suppression, this time by the Portuguese government. Being quite disappointed, I sailed to the Malaya; and after a month, Sifo removed to Shanghai. La Voco de la Popolo is reappearing, but published secretly. The Chinese Socialist Party lies scattered and dispersed. Of the 400,000 members there remain only 20 or 30 persons who dare to talk about socialism, and some of them are beginning to combine with us. The leader has fled to America. As to the new Socialist Party, the leader has been shot, and the members begin to throw off their false ideas and join us ~ P G Singapore -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Pic: Li Yu-Ying’s beancurd factory, Mr Li, and Sifo The post Radical Reprint: Anarchism in China appeared first on Freedom News.

By the time Freedom‘s September issue hit the streets in 1914 the disaster that was to become known as World War One was already underway, and anarchists found themselves shouting sanity into a world that no longer wanted to listen ~ Rob Ray ~ The edition is a curious beast, mixing a thunderous front page article denouncing the war (today’s reprint) with an otherwise very standard series of essays talking about anarchist literature, a bombing in New York and an appreciation of Edward Carpenter. Most notorious are the articles by Freedom’s famed social commentator Peter Kropotkin, neither of which talk about the war at all with one analysing monopoly in the modern State, and a second musing over communist kitchens. This was in fact the public manifestation of a huge argument going on behind the scenes, in which the influential Russian was calling to aid the French against Germany, in the belief a victory for Prussian ideology would stifle the chances for social revolution. On the other side editor Tom Keell was firmly in the anti-war camp, calling for the public to reject the war and turn their ire on the ruling classes. In the event, Keell won out, at least initially, with RR’s anti-war article taking prime position and Kropotkin filling in with something less controversial. The truce would last only until October, however, at which point the cracks in the Freedom Group would become a gaping chasm. As for who RR was, the most famous figure and one whose views would fit with the article’s tone would be anarcho-syndicalist organiser and Arbeter Fraint editor Rudolf Rocker, who would have just had time to write it before his internment as an enemy alien in December 1914, but this would merely be speculation. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- BLOOD AND IRON Who is responsible?, Now, when the red deluge has so suddenly and unexpectedly surprised the whole of Europe, we hear on every hand the same question: Who is responsible? Evidently, each country has its own particular answer to the query. The rulers of every land throw the blame on their rivals, and the Press, whose special concern it is to manufacture “public opinion,” makes the necessary observations and comments. The Kaiser declares that it was the enemies of Germany who compelled him to wage war, and that he was the sole person in Europe who continually strove to maintain peace among the European nations. In England and France,on the other hand, the Kaiser is the “mad dog” of Europe, the only one who continually hindered and disturbed the peaceful relations of its peoples. And the Tsar, the red-handed executioner of Russian freedom, who converted Russia into a huge cemetery, and endeavoured to stifle the last hope of his oppressed subjects in a sea of blood — he talks of a holy war, a just war, in order to ensure the happiness and well-being of Europe! And in all lands the sounding church-bells are calling the pious Christians to come and unite their prayers that the Lord should destroy the enemy, and bless “their banners.” The same God! the same Christians! the same Gospel, whose founder said, “ Love thy neighbour as thyself”! What scandalous comedy! And how deep the ignorance and deception of the people who neither will nor can see this colossal and fraud, and the unscrupulous intrigue of their oppressors. Who is responsible? you ask. Do not look for the responsibility in others. Look for it in yourselves. Seek it in the cursed system whose victims we all are; in the State capitalistic civilisation which is based on organised violence, on the shameful exploitation of all the nations! You do not know, it seems, that we have been living in a state of war for many, many years past; you have ignored the war that is being waged daily in our beautiful society, therefore you now have a real war. You were silent when men, women, and children fell in great numbers upon the industrial field, therefore you now see your sons falling on the battlefield. For the same powers that deprived you of the fruits of your labour, and compelled you by hunger and starvation to create, riches for a minority of privileged thieves and idlers — the same powers will now take away the lives of your sons and brothers, and force you with their guns to die for their interests. In a word, you did not want the revolution, so you now have war — the wholesale murder of the nations. The revolutionaries only appeared to you as Utopians, dreamers, unpractical men. Your rulers were more practical, and the thunder of cannon, lacerated human bodies, and rivers of blood now speak to you of the results of their practicability. Who is to blame? Capitalism and its twin brother, the modern State! You yourselves are to blame, because you ignored the great doctrine of a new social culture, because you would not prevent the catastrophe while there was yet time to do so. No-one knows what the future has in store for us. One thing, however, is certain: Capitalism is war — Socialism means peace among the nations. So long as the producing classes will allow a minority of privileged robbers to monopolise the fruit of their labour, and to condemn millions of human beings to a state of eternal misery, just-so long will you have war among the different races and nationalities. The immense fortunes that are today accumulating within the hands of a few do not arise merely from the usual exploitation of the workman by the master or — manufacturer, but are the result of international speculations in the great hunt for the domination of the world’s markets. That is why Capitalism in every country was obliged to increase the power of the modern State, and to develop militarism to such mad proportions. For a strong military and centralised State is the only guarantee for the realisation of the modern Imperialistic tendencies of Capitalism everywhere. Bat Imperialism means nothing else but the economic exploitation of other nations upon the basis of the exploitation of its own people. In other words, militarism is the inevitable result of the capitalistic regime, and therefore the cause of ceaseless strife. The great misfortune is that the majority of people cannot see this connection, and many will gauge the culture of a nation by the strength of its armies and its external technical improvements. But this is one of the greatest mistakes ever made. Germany offers us the best instance for this. The national unity of that country, under the supreme rule of Prussia, upon a basis of, extreme militarism and an all-powerful bureaucracy, has certainly not produced what we call German culture. On the contrary, that unity has proved the greatest hindrance to the development of a true popular culture, and has always endeavoured to force the spiritual powers of the German people down to the level of the barracks. The finest examples of German culture were produced before the military system and the renowned unity came into being. The classical philosophy of Germany, her wonderful art and literature — all that developed when the country consisted of separate little kingdoms, and had not yet come under the influence and domination of Prussian culture-hating militarism. The so-called national unity and the conversion of Germany into a military State have no doubt been a great gain for German capitalism, but by no means for the culture of the German people. Under the rule of militarism, Germany has become a peril to the intellectual development of Europe/and a German victory in this war would be a great blow to every libertarian movement in Europe, a blow to the German people themselves. The violation of France in 1870, and the annexation of Alsace- Lorraine, were the real causes of the crazy development of militarism in Europe. It is also known that Bismarck and the Prussian Junker class intended to make of France what has been made of Poland. To this end Bismarck carried on secret negotiations with England, and France was obliged to throw herself into the bloody arms of the Tsar in order to maintain her existence as an independent State. As a result of this we have witnessed the frightful development of Chauvinism all over Europe, the weakening of revolutionary and libertarian Socialism, and the triumph of the dread reaction under which the European peoples are groaning to this day. The present war, the most outrageous crime mankind has ever seen, is but the last word of this reaction, tie last-word of Imperial, capitalist and the military State. And not only in Germany, but wherever this system exists, the same results will follow. The best Constitutions and most glorious traditions of liberty will not prevent these evil consequences. “You cannot combat militarism by means of Parliament.” This sentence was already pronounced as far back as forty years ago by the old democrat Johan Jakobi. A new revolutionary renaissance of the European people is the only means against this deadly enemy of mankind. And it is not unlikely that the present bloody catastrophe will at last awaken the people from their indifference. The bitter pain and fearful suffering will perhaps make a deeper impression than the words of the revolutionaries. It is possible that the Social Revolution will be the last act in the present tragedy; possible that murderous, militarism will be drowned in the blood of its numberless victims; that the people of the different countries will unite against the bloody regime of modern Capitalism and its institutions, and finally produce a new social culture upon the basis of free Socialism. At the same time, the progressive elements must not lose courage, however great the disaster that has befallen us. We must be on our guard, and, if necessary, risk our lives for the triumph of a new social order. ~RR The post Radical reprint: War arrived, and with it the anarchists despaired appeared first on Freedom News.