AGAINST A STATE THAT WILL NEVER RESOLVE CLIMATE CHAOS, AND ITS VIOLENCE WHICH
FORCE CANNOT OVERTHROW TODAY, WHAT REMAINS FOR ENVIRONMENTALISTS?
~ Vincent Lucchese, Reporterre ~
The myth that the state serves the public interest is crumbling on all sides.
Seeing the state stubbornly defend projects as economically and environmentally
disastrous as the A69 motorway, and witnessing its police unleash violence
against opponents of ecocidal private mega-reservoir projects, more and more
environmental activists are becoming disillusioned.
For citizens who are abruptly learning to “mourn the state,” a series of essays
and books in recent months have contributed to dusting off this hypothesis: what
if it were possible.
At the heart of anarchist thinking for two centuries, this idea is making a
strong comeback today, given the obvious impasse of other possible paths. On one
hand, the reformist path, that is to say the social-democratic project of
reforming capitalism from within to make it socially and environmentally viable,
is ‘doubly dead, doubly zombie-like’, as Alessandro Pignocchi sums up in his
fascinating Perspectives terrestres (Seuil, 2025).
The author continues, the ecological crisis ‘sweeps away the philanthropic
belief at the heart of the social democratic project’ of possible infinite
economic growth which promised the elevation of all social classes within the
capitalist regime. The realisation that this crisis is precisely caused by the
economic structures that ensure the ruling class’s dominance is radicalising
other social classes. The capitalist elite is tightening the screws to protect
its faltering model, rendering any prospect of social-democratic compromise
obsolete.
On the other hand, the revolutionary perspective is hardly any better. Past
experiences have revealed its two symmetrical pitfalls: overthrowing the ruling
power requires comparable armed force, which if inadequate, risks being swept
away as brutally as the Paris Commune was in 1871. When this proves sufficient,
it threatens to lead to a ‘capture phenomenon’, meaning that the new power
itself serves only its own particular interests, as was the case in the USSR,
Maoist China, and after the Arab Spring.
A STATE THAT CANNOT BE REFORMED OR OVERTHROWN
The observation of this double impasse, of a state that can neither be reformed
or overthrown, is shared by Irish philosopher John Holloway, whose latest book
has just been translated into French: Penser l’espoir en des temps désespérés
(Thinking Hope in Desperate Times, Libertalia, 2025). He adds this definitive
analysis: the state is, by its very nature, at the service of capitalism, and
trying to make it an ally is a complete waste of time. The modern state, he
explains, survives only through the taxes it levies on capital accumulation. Its
mission and survival are, therefore, intrinsically linked to capitalists’
insatiable quest for accumulation.
John Holloway develops an argument that follows in the long tradition of
analyses by thinkers of the “capitalist state”, which was already clearly
summarised by the American sociologist Erik Olin Wright (Anti-Capitalist
Strategies for the 21st Century, La Découverte, 2020). Historically, he
explains, the state can be described as the institutional form that has been
deployed to ensure the reproduction of capital: the “rule of law” guarantees the
inviolability of private property — largely derived from the appropriation of
commons, colonisation, and the exploitation of workers and nature — and its
capitalist development within the market framework.
The Paris Commune ended in the large-scale massacre of the Communards by the
Versailles army. After Félix Philippoteaux (1815-1884), Public domain
Furthermore, the mechanisms for recruiting state elites create a privileged
caste and a convergence of interests between them and the capitalist elites, to
the detriment of the general interest. It is an understatement to say that the
political dynamics of recent years have provided fertile ground for this type of
analysis. We are witnessing a rise in “illiberalism” in France and many other
so-called democratic states, fuelled by media propaganda from far-right
billionaires. Across the Atlantic, the capitalist barons of American tech are
openly allying themselves with the proto-fascist power of Donald Trump.
All of this supports the thesis that capitalist states are becoming more
authoritarian as the scarcity of natural resources and crises caused by climate
change make governing populations more uncertain.
RETURN TO THE LOCAL
So what can be done? These authors suggest competing with the state by building
on local roots and local struggles. From a strategic perspective, this is first
and foremost a quest for autonomy: developing local subsistence agriculture and
reclaiming technical know-how to reduce dependence on the state is a
prerequisite for resisting it.
‘Material autonomy and political autonomy reinforce each other,’ summarises
Pignocchi. For him, ‘liberating territories is therefore the first condition’
for moving towards what he calls ‘terrestrial perspectives’. Namely, a political
project based on local autonomy and the renewal of ties with non-human living
beings.
The virtues of this approach are its broad potential to mobilise people in a
unifying struggle based on love for the land, the rediscovery of powerful and
joyful emotions in connection with living things, and values of respect, care
and coexistence between species and between humans. It places the dynamic at the
opposite end of the spectrum from reactionary localism.
In practice, this strategy works and is even becoming increasingly widespread.
This is what journalist Juliette Duquesne recounts in her comprehensive
investigation, Autonomes et solidaires pour le vivant, S’organiser sans
l’autorité de l’État (Le Bord de l’eau, 2025). From the French ZADs (Zone à
Défendre) of Notre-Dame-des-Landes (Loire-Atlantique) and Les Lentillères
(Dijon) to the long-term experience of Longo Maï, the Zapatistas of Chiapas in
Mexico and the Kurds of Rojava, among others, she has documented and examined
numerous experiences of struggle. Her proposition: the conditions for victory
are complex and constantly need to be reinvented, but it is possible to organise
without the state.
Historically, anarchism has already proven its organisational viability on a
large scale, she points out, recalling the little-known Spanish experiment of
1936, ‘often forgotten in history books because it was denigrated by capitalists
and communists’. From July 1936 to spring 1937, Juliette Duquesne summarises, 3
million people in Catalonia and Aragon reinvented collective life without a
state: collectivised economic activities, self-managed education and health
systems, communities with local currencies, and others abolishing money
altogether. A cultural, social, anarcho-syndicalist and political context unique
to Spain at that time allowed for this profusion of experimentation, before the
civil war and then Francoism brought this adventure to a tragic end.
Among the lesser-known achievements, the Makhnovshchina, the anarchist Ukraine
between 1917 and 1921, is also worth mentioning. The victories of the ‘Black
Army’, a peasant and worker guerrilla force, against reactionary forces enabled
the establishment of agricultural communes throughout the country. A lack of
military resources and Soviet repression brought this large-scale libertarian
and egalitarian experiment to an end.
Anita Garbín Alonso, anti-fascist and anarchist militiawoman in Barcelona in
1936. Antoni Campañà i Bandranas, Public domain
Ecological and social emancipation may work locally, but can it be generalised?
‘Imagining that we can stop the ravages of accumulation by multiplying the
number of ZADs is probably no more serious than thinking we can stop global
warming by accumulating small gestures,’ noted The Earth Uprisings (Les
Soulèvements de la Terre) in their strategic work Premières secousses (First
Shocks, La Fabrique, 2024). ” ‘Unless, perhaps,‘ they continue, ’we connect the
dots.‘ This is the idea towards which all the authors mentioned converge: the
“territories liberated” from the state, even partially, if they multiply and
unite, could reach a critical mass sufficient to compete with, or at least
undermine, the sovereign authority of the state.
KAIROS
For Alessandro Pignocchi, it is a question of ‘piercing’ the state with
autonomous territories, of ‘gradually building something parallel to
capitalism’, united within a ‘terrestrial internationalism’. Juliette Duquesne
writes that ‘contagion must spread through capillary action’ so that ‘the state
and capitalism become increasingly marginalised’ until they reach a ‘threshold’
that allows for a turning point. In other words: the exit from capitalism and
the entry into a true democracy.
Obviously, the state will not allow itself to be attacked without reacting: the
fierce repression of the ZADs at Notre-Dame-des-Landes is a prime example. But,
paradoxically, it is also proof that victory is possible if anarchist activists
know how to seize the kairos, that is, take advantage of favourable
circumstances.
This is the other essential strategic lever. Pignocchi, Duquesne and Wright
agree with the conclusion reached by the Earth Uprisings: achieving autonomy
outside the state requires allies within the state. It is necessary to hybridise
the state, rely on civil servants or elected officials who sympathise with the
cause, and take advantage of the electoral victories of the least hostile
political forces to gain the advantage in the conquest of territories.
The task, however, seems monumental. It may well inspire scepticism given that
the eco-anarchist and sustainable overthrow of a capitalist state has never
historically taken place.
To avoid the pitfall of discouragement, John Holloway emphasises that this
capitalist state is a colossus with feet of clay. Throughout the lengthy and
sometimes complex development of his work, the philosopher reinterprets Marxist
theory on the internal contradictions of capitalism. Capitalism’s insatiable
need for accumulation drives it to transform everything into commodities and,
ultimately, into money. However, this need to exploit humans and nature ever
more intensely is now coming up against physical limits, as evidenced by the
ecological crisis.
The fall of the Vendôme Column, bearing the statue of Napoleon I , during the
Paris Commune, Lithograph from 1871, Public domain
In recent decades the need for constant accumulation, vital to prevent the
system from collapsing, has been partly met with empty promises. Unable to find
sufficient human and natural ‘resources’ to exploit, explains the author, the
elites have accumulated ‘fictitious capital’ through the massive issuance of
money derived from the creation of debt.
Capitalism today is in the same situation as the cartoon coyote, which has long
since passed the edge of the cliff, is running over the void, and must keep
running to avoid falling.
The dismantling of social gains, police violence, open conflicts: everything is
being done in a desperate attempt to coerce workers and increase profit margins.
But our hope lies here, writes John Holloway: in the realisation that it is our
refusal to accept absolute commodification, our desires overflowing with
vitality, that is what holds back and frightens capitalism. Global finance,
subject to increasingly intense “heart attacks”, such as the financial crisis of
2008, could well succumb definitively to the next one.
He concludes: ‘We are not victims of the crisis but its protagonists: our
resistance and rebellion, our insubordination and non-subordination, our refusal
to be robots. This is what constantly upsets capital. In these desperate times,
this is our hope.’ He calls for daring to embrace radical ambition: to think and
act for a world without capital, and therefore without money. To those who see
these projects as unrealistic or overly distant utopias, these contemporary
anarchist authors concede that the path they are charting is far from clear and
that their horizon is taking shape as they go.
But their struggles, they argue, have the advantage of being very concrete,
since each person must begin by taking action in their own territory to defend
their forest, their dignity at work, or their drinking water, here and now.
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Machine translation. Top photo: A pirate sheep as a shepherd’s mark, in a Longo
Maï flock. Sébastien Thébault / Wikimedia Commons
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