I AM NOT THE PARENT I THOUGHT I’D BE, BUT REVOLUTIONS RARELY UNFOLD AS WE
PREDICT
~ Tabitha Bast ~
Originally published 5 September 2024
I had two families; at least one of my childhood, and my other was the direct
action movement in the UK. I came to Motherhood with a host of political values
and beliefs that I imagined could be put directly upon that particular project.
But these ideas and ideologies — some helpful and some unhelpful — could not
just be transferred over into that relationship.
I recognise not everyone has the same experience of parenting, and mine has been
particularly fortunate (after the first monstrous year). I used to believe that
babies came into the world a blank slate and we created whatever we wanted from
them, just as I believed the revolution was right around the corner, but I lean
far more to a biopsychosocial model now — a combination of biology, psychology
and socioeconomic factors. Parenting my son has forced me to adapt, just as all
our key relationships do and should. It is not one will over another, but a
dynamic; mutual aid if you will.
Fast forward to now and my son is a few months from that somewhat-spurious adult
mark of an 18th birthday. Our relationship is richer and deeper than I ever
imagined possible. I write a blog on new narratives of masculinity called The
Boys Are Alright about how parenting a son could be a particular challenge to
contemporary feminism, especially in a cultural desert of positive stories on
boys and men. I’m a different person now — because raising children changes you,
and even biologically bearing them changes your very cell structure — but that’s
nothing to do with the horrible adage about getting more conservative as you get
older.
That adage may be becoming more obsolete.
My son’s generation is polling both increasingly conservative and increasingly
progressive. Criticised for neither caring enough about politics and for being
too woke. Some studies are suggesting this is a two-way split, a trend seen
nationally, with young women moving left and young men either staying central or
moving to the right. Very recent polling on electoral voting has Reform UK
lapping up support from boys aged 16-17 at 35% – but only 8% from girls. Others
are pointing to a trend of far right populism capturing the hearts and minds of
not just Gen Z but much younger groups — across Europe part of its electoral
success is attributed to lowering the age of voting to 16. In France, 32% of
youth, irrespective of gender, supported National Rally. The ultra right AFD has
incredible popularity amongst the young in parts of Germany. These aren’t
outliers. Similar trends are observed in Italy, Portugal, Belgium, and Finland.
Mainland Europe is increasingly bleak.
This means that boys like mine who care about a better world face moving in the
opposite direction to vast swathes of their generation, working against peers
who lean towards the far right and even fascism. And we’ve recently seen in the
UK how frighteningly quick the catchier of these ideas can become an immediate
physical threat.
“If there’s one thing worth reiterating it’s that your generation’s left is a
very different landscape to ours”, my son presses home.
We have our own divergences — I come from an anarchist and activist tradition,
his is more red than black. The generalisations I make here are sweeping and to
be held lightly. His generation seems far more directed toward individual and
personal concerns — their identities, their mental and physical health — whilst
at the same time engulfed with stress about climate change, and intensely
engaged with geopolitical causes such as Palestinian liberation.
When we discuss the horrors of Project 2025 which a Trump election threatens,
his primary concern is trans rights. Mine is global ecological devastation. We
eye each other across the generations with both connection and confusion. We’re
on the same side; but our priorities are very different.
Partly we have different ideas of what is possible. Mine was a radical vision of
another world. His is about hankering down. He tells me it isn’t that they
aren’t bothered by environmental collapse, but they’ve been told for all their
lives that it’s happening. Climate activism is not a dominant youth movement,
despite the odd Greta and school strike, but actually more the terrain of the
over 40s.
A GENERATION WITH SMALLER DREAMS
I’m sure the reasons are plentiful and complex, but what they aren’t about is
this being a “selfish” generation. From homes and education to the cost of
living — working class youngsters have been seriously screwed even within the
thin promises of capitalism and its progresses. At his age, I was not only able
to leave home but also to focus outward and take risks. I skimmed through my
A-levels rather than sweating them. In terms of affordability and availability,
adventures were there to have. A few years older than him, there was nowhere in
the world I didn’t feel I could get to somehow and where someone would put me up
(or where I’d find a squat I could sleep in). It was easy to earn money, it was
easy to sign on, and you even got paid to go to university. From the mountains
of Chiapas to the streets of Seattle, another world was possible.
The geopolitical focus of now and then matters, because then we were looking to
hope, to possibilities, asking what other societies are building that we can
learn from. We were creating anti-capitalist global networks to build a new and
just world in the shell of the old. We looked at resistance movements we were
akin to or inspired by. It seems that for his age group, it is more about who
are the worst victims of geopolitics, who suffers the most, rather than who
resists in ways we can learn from. Why do Gen Z’s eyes focus on the prison of
Palestine — a recentring of an old theme — and not on supporting the feminist
and collectivist aspirations of Rojava? It can’t be because the politics of
Hamas are more desirable and laudable than those of the YPG, so I wonder if the
vision of this generation is centred on survival rather than on an ambitious
craving for another world.
It feels like back then we had big, big dreams and that those of us who bucked
the anti-breeding trend of the direct-action movement are now parenting a
generation with smaller dreams. Gone are the temporary autonomous zones of
protest camps in woods and squatted social centres, at least in this country.
The radical youth are instead returning to the more traditional left. Security,
rather than freedom, is a priority demand for both the progressive and the
regressive kids in my son’s generation, as they all bunker down. He would like
more cameras on the streets, more state control. We disagree on the importance
of freedom of speech. My interests in pushing boundaries and anti-censorship
make me a dinosaur.
Without the dynamic of us being a unit, a team, without the connectedness of our
everyday life and love, I wonder if these different political priorities would
feel like chasms, whether we would feel like we are on opposite sides of a
battle, whether we would be more enemies than comrades. But we have love. We
know each other enough to tolerate the places where we feel quite opposite, we
can understand each other enough to manage issues that have split movements.
Yet I struggle with political disagreements with my son. I’m much more likely to
call it quits on a discussion that’s proving controversial because my desire to
stay close outweighs my desire to explore ideas. At his age my furious
disagreements with my parents were part of ruptures that never healed, because
it’s not family that inherently ties us, it’s love. In my family of origin there
wasn’t enough care to contain the conflicts. My biggest fear would be that
there’s rupture and no repair, that there’s such stark divergence there can be
no coming together.
But whilst my first family taught me that it was easy to walk away, my second
one — the direct-action movement — taught me about the resilience of
relationships. It’s perhaps no surprise that I live a few minutes’ walk from
those I struggled alongside for decades, who I loved (and sometimes hated and
raged at) whilst we collectively fought the good fight. The allegiance of
collective struggle is one that my son’s generation is less likely to
experience. They may be riddled with fear of the climate crisis, but with less
hope of changing the world and with more draconian prison sentences. They aren’t
as likely to be on a physical frontline together, only on an electronic one,
which makes for far less bonding.
And if I could grant his generation anything, it would be the solidarity,
loyalty and connection that comes with the former.
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Image: Perchance
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