JEWISH RADICALS HAVE LONG CHALLENGED THE STATE PROJECT BUILT IN OUR NAME
~ James Horton ~
In view of the modern genocide the Israeli state is undertaking against the
Palestinian people, it may not seem advisable or desirable to look at one’s own
position in relation to it. It can feel self-centred to take a moment to
interrogate one’s personal history in the face of such dystopian suffering. As a
Jew, though, this feels slightly different.
We’re told that the only way to establish security for Jews is through a
nation-state with exclusionary policies that favour us. But should anyone,
Jewish or not, pursue an interest in the history of politically active Jewish
communities, they will find a richness of radical anti-nationalism—indeed,
internationalism. Zionism was a story perniciously crafted by the Jewish upper
classes, and its project relied on convincing working-class Jews to fight the
fight and build the Jewish-only fortress on stolen land.
The history of Jewish involvement in left-wing movements is far too extensive to
summarise. Emma Goldman and Rosa Luxemburg are just two of the bigger names, but
there were countless Jewish shop-floor strike coordinators, unknown newspaper
editors, educators and artists—people of action and people of thought, who had a
titanic influence not only on the left but on political discourse at large.
Milly Witkopf, for example (1877–1955), married to the more famous Rudolph
Rocker, and the Jews of her ilk are frequently absent from the
discussion—despite the fact they did much of the groundwork on which movements
were built.
In modern times, these figures have been the target of naked smears by Zionist
intellectuals and activists. The charge is often that they hold lofty “lefty”
expectations (otherwise known as political principle), and care too little for
the safety of the Jewish people. But for anyone with an ounce of media literacy,
these smears come from the same figures who cheerlead the Netanyahu
administration in its policy of ethnic cleansing—and so cannot be trusted. But
for those foolish enough to take them seriously, such figures at least resemble
serious political actors and must be discussed to the extent one can stomach.
CLASS AND ZIONISM, THEN AND NOW
The Zionist project, when distilled to its essence, is an elitist ideology. It
began as a project among the Central European bourgeoisie—both Jewish and
Christian—as a “solution” (always a troubling word in politics) to Jewish
oppression in Europe and the US. But as scholar Albert S. Lindemann points out,
Zionism chose to “solve” the problem not by fighting modern nationalism, but by
following in its footsteps and crushing class solidarity.
Early Zionists collaborated with the same imperialists who had collared the
social rights of Jews—men like Arthur Balfour, a vicious opponent of Jewish
migration while Prime Minister (1902–1905). Chaim Weizmann, later Israel’s first
president, was a known anti-Bundist, led the Zionist Federation and attacked
leftist Jews whom he rightly saw as potential challengers to the nationalist
fantasy he sought to realise. He and others advanced the Zionist cause with the
institutional and physical backing of some of the most vile antisemites of the
era.
Even down to the Language Wars—when in 1900, 8 million Jews spoke
Yiddish—Zionists weren’t satisfied with this mongrel language of the working
class. They saw it as synonymous with exile, failure, and persecution—not one of
liberation, as Bundists did in Russia or anarchists in London. Using direct
violence against their own people, including the burning of Yiddish publication
houses, Zionists split the Jewish working class from their linguistic roots,
seeking to homogenise them for a nationalism they would then exert on others.
Today, Yiddish is considered a “dead language”, with only around a million
native speakers globally.
Where does this history leave us in an era of unmasked cruelty against
Palestinians? One takeaway from the growing pro-Palestinian movement in the West
is that more Jews raised on the idea of Israel are revolting against it. The
2023 Al Jazeera documentary Israelism tries to understand this phenomenon—though
it has attracted heavy criticism.
What Zionists push—through festivals, trips abroad, and propaganda—is that
Zionism is sexy, and more importantly, necessary for Jewish security. Young
Jews, mostly from New York and Los Angeles, are sponsored on trips to a land
they are encouraged to inherit, with wealthy philanthropists manufacturing the
same Zionist fervour they have always sought in the Jewish working class. But as
before, many are slipping out from under this weight of radicalisation and
standing for Palestinian self-determination.
Jewish activists and writers, doing serious work at local and national levels,
often speak of the “Not In Our Name” position. Crucially, it comes with a call
not only to challenge the genocide in Gaza and the West Bank, but to build a new
system in which oppression in all forms is no longer tolerated. Emily Apple, a
Jewish woman and former editor at The Canary, said to me:
I feel really strongly about the ‘Not In Our Name’ idea. When I was growing up, the distinction between anti-Zionism and antisemitism didn’t need to be made—it was just a given. Now a lot of Jewish people have been sold a lie that isn’t in the interest of Jews or Palestinians. When I see other Jews going after radical voices that want to make change—for Palestinians, for refugees, for anyone facing oppression—it makes me feel sick.
Being Jewish for me is about my place in the world and my history. My great-great-grandparents’ generation were all refugees. When I’m engaging in campaigns, I feel that sense of responsibility really strongly.
Jewish history is inspiring. Writing and fighting in any language and on any
land they stood, radical Jews fought for the emancipation of workers, the end of
colonial dominion, and the liberation of people deemed unconventional. That is
not just our history—it is our present. And Zionism is a colossal obstacle to
its continuation.
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Photo: Peter Marshall
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