A FIERCE WORKING CLASS PROPAGANDIST, MOTLER COULDN’T STAND THE STILTED, ESOTERIC
TONES OF MANY ANARCHIST AND SOCIALIST WRITERS – AND WASN’T SHY IN SAYING SO
~ Rob Ray ~
Freedom was contacted, around this time last year, by a small production company
interested in doing a documentary for the British Sign Language Broadcasting
Trust. What would a small publishing house in Whitechapel have to interest them,
you ask? Well the tale, and the subject of today’s reprint, is that of a
deaf-mute political firebrand.
One of the anarchist movement’s lesser-known figures (bar the occasional
historical talk), Leonard Motler was initially brought into the anarchist
movement thanks in part to its trenchantly anti-war position and proved an
immediate boon to the struggling London scene. A trained printer, talented
artist and incisive writer, he was able to essentially function as his own
publishing house, though he lent his energies to multiple projects around the
movement, including as the printer of Freedom itself.
Motler had written in to Freedom a few times previously, but his article in the
December 1914 edition of the paper was laser focused on the question of how it
had come to pass that the Great Unrest had become the Great War with nary a
revolutionary whimper.
In Motler’s view the left generally, the anarchists included, was far too fond
of talking to its own reflection rather than making the effort to speak in ways
the working class would identify with, and had thus talked itself into
irrelevance. His pitch was clarity and, while he would go on to be the first of
the anarchists to identify Russia’s revolution as a dud (describing it as
“running agley” in 1917), he was in step with the radicals there on his quest
for blunt, effective language. Like the Russians with their Rosta windows he was
a proponent of the striking, illustrated front page. His writing was mostly
shorn of references to proletariats and classic literature. An example of this
style can be found online in his explanation of anarchist communism.
Motler was key to keeping Freedom running during the war even through the
State’s attempts to repress and imprison its editorship, and managed to keep
Satire printing until April 1918, when it was shut down by the police.
Sadly we’ve not heard back from the production team about their project at time
of writing (though it is still listed at BSL’s website) so we can only keep our
fingers crossed that Motler gets his documentary!
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ON WAYS AND MEANS
During the last few years the Anarchist movement appears merely to have marked
time nearly everywhere. Several reasons for this partial standstill may be put
forward. Amongst these the late labour unrest has been conspicuous. This unrest,
culminating in the great strikes, brought matters to a head in the industrial
world. Conciliation boards had been found out; agreements had proved one-sided;
leaders too ready, nay eager, to temporise and compromise. Trade Union
discipline broke down; the officials were flouted. In spite of a gradual rise in
wages, food prices lowered the purchasing power. A sullen, bewildered policy of
despair held sway. Apparently there was no absolute remedy, Anarchism and
Socialism were rejected as not being immediately practicable. But shrinking as
they did from the prospect of a revolution, Syndicalism with its crude
simplicity was almost on the point of being welcomed with open arms. Then the
government stepped in; the situation was saved; Capitalism breathed again.
How could such a remarkable collapse occur when the workers were so evidently
animated with a class-conscious solidarity? The answer lies in the brutal fact
that the stomach bulks largely in working-class argument. They prefer the
substantial crumb to the somewhat shadowy loaf in the distance. This is the
reason Anarchism was — and will yet be — postponed for further consideration.
This is the one fault of our propaganda; this is the stumbling-block in the path
of our progress. We are idealists, not materialists. On the one hand, the
workers see the evil of Capitalism and all its works. On the other, they see the
glimmer of the City of Light, as yet to them intangible and unattainable. They
understand the contrasts. Their minds readily grasp the fact that however
delusive, the future may seem to be, it can at least be no worse than the
desolation of the present. But between these two their minds cannot bridge the
chasm.
This is our work, then. We must bridge that chasm. Our propagandist energies
must be devoted to this. We must come down from the clouds and face the problem
on solid ground. Anarchism must, at least initially, be explained in terms of
bread and butter.
Let this be understood. I do not stand for mere Labourist compromise. I do not
suggest the movement be side-tracked in favour of plaister and pilules. There is
no danger whatever of the main idea being lost in a maze of palliatives. All
that is wanted is a little plain-speaking.
Let us be frank. We have had enough of the economic cant, We have used the
dictionary too often. Exploitation, surplus-value, proletariat, infantile
mortality, bourgeoisie — all these are but meaningless catchwords to the man in
the street, Shades of Marx and Engels!
What is a working man, to know of the “materialistic conception of history”? Let
us be frank. We have had enough abuse of capitalists, rent-lords, and
financiers. They, at least, do not misunderstand us. We have had enough abuse of
the working class. Let us give Carlyle’s “twenty-five millions — mostly fools,”
a decent burial — a good long rest. The working class do not understand us, They
are not to be caught in the fine web of our verbiage. If we will persist in
writing pamphlets and making pretty speeches in polysyllables, they will go on
not understanding. Either we must descend to their plain brutality of words or
we shall go on talking over their heads. They cannot see the argument for the
wrapping of fine phrases. We must be curt, crisp, and to the point.
There are two sides only to whom we can make any appeal. The first and largest
consists of the working class world. The second consists of those idealists —
call them what you will —who are more or less of our kidney. For these latter
our present pamphlets and fuller works will suffice. For the former a new
literature must be brought into being — plain, large-typed, and cheap. Also let
us have more pictures. The workers love pictures. They can see things better
with the help of a simple illustration. A symbolic representation of Labour as
an armed Don Quixote leaves them cold. A corduroy-breeched labourer is more to
their understanding.
Finally, we must organise our propaganda. At present it is too scattered. There
is no need to drill each group into distributing pamphlets with military
precision. What I mean is that there must be some system in what we do. We have
plenty of meetings, in sooth, but not enough distribution. The spoken word is
readily understood — and as readily forgotten. The printed word lingers.
Let us make our pamphlets, our books, our leaflets as plain and as interesting
as speech. Let us see to it that the working class is reached by these. Let our
propaganda be constant. The movement has marked time too long. Now for the grand
march. Forward!
~ L A Motler
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END OF YEAR NOTE:
As we come to the close of 2024, so I will close this chapter of Freedom Press’s
history, looking at the events of 110 years ago through our ancestors’ eyes.
There’s much more to be said about the paper’s activities during the war itself,
but in 2025 I’d like to leap forward a few decades, to the end of World War II.
Like 1914, the year 1945 was a key period in the history of British anarchism,
though for very different reasons. It includes the infamous War Commentary trial
and its aftermath, a split which would characterise many decades to come — and
the re-emergence of Freedom itself as a regular newspaper and hub of the
post-war movement in London.
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Image: A sketch believed to be of Leonard Motler in Satire, March 1918,
alongside some of his publications
The post Radical Reprint: The frustration of Leonard Motler appeared first on
Freedom News.